CHAP. 23: > On the inequality of fortunes produced by slavery. — On communities of goods and labor, considered as a means of re-establishing equality among men. — On societies of this kind established in America, and the effects they have produced.

One of the most durable effects of the enslavement of a people is the inequality of fortunes. In every country where the population has been possessed by a race of conquerors, we see that wealth has been concentrated in the hands of their descendants or affiliates, and that most of the descendants of the vanquished have remained in misery. The inequality of benefits and hardships, resulting from the unequal distribution of property, has captured the attention of many thinkers, and various means have been proposed to put an end to it. Some men have thought that it could be remedied only by the slow action of time, and by equally distributing goods among the members of each family. Others have sought to found societies on new bases, and to distribute, in a perfectly equal manner, the benefits and hardships that are inseparable from human nature. It is this latter system whose nature and effects I propose to make known here.

The men who, at various times, have proposed to establish societies in which each individual would have an equal share of benefits and hardships, have had a goal directly opposed to that of those who established slavery. Servitude, in the intention of those who establish it, aims, in effect, to cast upon one fraction of the population the hardships, toils, and privations to which a people may be subjected, and to secure for the other fraction the privilege of idleness and its pleasures. The system I now present, on the contrary, aims to cast upon each member of society an equal share of hardships or toils, and to guarantee him an equal sum of benefits. I need not say that the men who have proposed this latter objective, whether directed by purely religious sentiments or guided by philosophical principles, have generally had pure and benevolent intentions; the simple exposition of the goal of such associations is enough to convince one of this.

But the nature of things or of men does not change according to our desires; the founders of slavery never succeeded in exempting masters from all hardships, nor in securing for them a monopoly on pleasures; the men who attempted to distribute pleasures and pains equally among all the members of a society have not succeeded any better. The former failed because they had to struggle against human nature; the latter failed because they had to struggle against the same obstacles. It will be seen, however, that the latter came closer to their goal than the former, and that their errors have left less enduring traces.

We find the community of labor and goods in the infancy of several societies; it appears that such a system once existed among some peoples of Germania, and we have seen that, in the seventeenth century, it was still found among several tribes of North America. We see an analogous system among some peoples of antiquity; conquerors, after having established an equality of misery among the individuals of the enslaved race, sought to establish among themselves an equality of pleasures. The system of the Lacedaemonians, so praised by the philosophers of antiquity and by several modern philosophers, had no other goal than to make equality reign among the masters; and the equality of the possessed men was a natural consequence of the equality that reigned among their possessors.

Several Christian sects have made equality among all men one of the fundamental principles of their doctrines. In the opinion of the Anabaptists, any society in which the community of goods does not exist is an impure assembly, a degenerate race; a true Christian has no need of magistrates, and should not be one. The Moravian Brethren, in America, also established a community of goods among themselves; but it appears that this establishment was the result of some particular circumstances, much more than the product of a pre-established system. At the time of the colonization of North America, some Englishmen also established a community of labor and goods among themselves; but the resulting disadvantages forced them to renounce it. The Spanish missionaries who subjugated the peoples of Paraguay established a similar system in that vast country, and this system appears to still exist there. A German colony, composed of seven or eight hundred people, founded an establishment of this kind in North America not long ago. Finally, in England, there exists a numerous association, under the name of the Cooperative Society, whose goal is to form or encourage associations in which goods are common, and where each works for the profit of all.

To make known the nature and effects of associations of this kind, I will speak only of the communities established by Spanish missionaries in various parts of America and of the German colony formed on the same continent, under the name of Harmony. I will speak of the former, because we know of none that have been so numerous, and that have had such a long duration; I will speak of the latter, because it is one of the most recent and best known.

In exposing the results that such associations naturally produce, my goal is less to destroy opinions that seem false to me than to find which social state best suits the nature of man. There are two ways to prove the truth of a proposition: one, which is called direct, consists in showing the immediate consequences of a recognized principle; the other consists in demonstrating that all suppositions contrary to the given proposition lead to absurdity. I have shown what happens when the wealth created by the labors of the most numerous part of the population is absorbed by another part as it is produced: all manner of miseries arise from this system. I will now expose what happens when all the labors and the products that result from them are shared equally among all the workers; if it is demonstrated that this latter mode of existence is not much more suitable than the preceding one to the nature of man, it will be easy to see which social state is most favorable to the well-being of nations.

When the Jesuit missionaries established themselves in Paraguay and took the natives under their dominion, the land there was already cultivated and divided into private properties. We do not know how the divisions had been made; but it does not appear that there existed a great inequality of fortune. However, the establishment of the community of labor and goods was, in the government of the missionaries, the most unbearable circumstance for these peoples. But these new legislators, following the example of Lycurgus, who probably served as their model, did not let themselves be intimidated by the murmurs of the discontented, and they rigorously executed the plan they had formed. All goods thus became common among all members of the society [404]. The same system was established in the two Californias and in other parts of the Spanish possessions.

The establishment of the Jesuits in Paraguay dates from 1580; about two centuries later, their empire was two hundred leagues from north to south, and one hundred and fifty leagues from east to west. They thus reigned over a country slightly larger than France; but the population was only 300,000 individuals, or ten inhabitants per square league [405]. The population was, as it still appears to be, divided into governments which were given the name of missions. The missionaries had obtained independence from the viceroys, and that no Spaniard could enter the country. On these two conditions, they had undertaken to civilize the natives and convert them to Christianity [406]. The missionaries' successes were at first quite rapid: as the Portuguese were then waging a war of extermination against the Indians, a great number sought refuge under the protection of these religious men. The number of their colonies, in this part of America, rose to thirty-three [407]. The peoples subject to the same regime as the natives of Paraguay occupied an even vaster territory. M. de Humboldt has estimated the extent of the country subject to the regime of the missions at four or five times the extent of France [408].

Each settlement had two missionaries; an older one, who dealt with the temporal administration, of which he was the director, and a younger vicar, who fulfilled the priestly functions. Besides these two magistrates, there were others who were elected from among the natives, by the Jesuits themselves or by the people, after the missionaries had excluded individuals whose nomination might displease them [409]. In 1768, the Jesuits were expelled from this country and replaced by other missionaries; but nothing was changed in the mode of administration, so we do not have to concern ourselves with the order to which the directors belong [410].

In a society where all labor is done in common, and where the products are distributed to each in equal portions, a very complicated legislation is not needed. There is no need for laws to guarantee or divide property. None are needed to regulate the status of families, since there are no inheritances to be collected, and all children are fed at the expense of the general society. Finally, none are needed for the establishment or distribution of taxes, since everyone contributes with his labor, and the public funds are deposited in public storehouses. Such a society requires only an administration similar to that of a large family; and, in fact, no other has ever existed in Paraguay, or in the other establishments formed by missionaries. Everything has been regulated by the will of the principal chiefs: even offenses, being considered sins or offenses against the Divinity rather than against society, were punished by the ministers of religion [411].

The functions of the members of government consist in determining the use that each must make of his talents, according to the needs of the society, in distributing the necessary tools for the exercise of each trade, in regulating the hours during which each must work, in collecting and preserving in storehouses the products of everyone's industry, in distributing them so that they last throughout the year, in conducting with foreigners the trade that common needs require, and in ensuring that each executes the task imposed upon him. Such have been, in effect, the functions of the missionaries [412].

Although the equality of labor and goods was the fundamental basis of this kind of association, the founders understood that it was not possible to establish absolute equality; they consequently granted each family a small piece of land, and two days of the week to cultivate it [413]. Sometimes, the men were permitted to go hunting or fishing on their own account, with no other obligation than to make some small gifts of game or fish to the principal chiefs of the mission [414]. Thus, besides the common property resulting from the labor of all members of the society, there could exist some private properties resulting from the labor of two days a week, and from the little time granted for fishing and hunting.

The chiefs of each community distribute to each the task he must execute. The men are generally charged with cultivating the fields and practicing some crude arts; those who are sacristans, musicians, or choirboys are charged with all needlework. The women, besides the care they give to their household, are charged, every morning, with roasting and crushing, on a stone, the grain that is to serve as food during the day; they must also spin, per day, one ounce of cotton. Since everyone owes his labor to the community, no one is permitted to work for himself [415].

There are, per day, two hours of prayer and seven hours of labor; Sundays being consecrated to rest, the time for prayers is four or five hours. At eight o'clock in the morning, the settlement assembles, and, after having kissed the missionary's hand, it is led by chiefs to the places of work, some to the fields, others to workshops. They are always under the inspection of a magistrate, so that the work can never slow down [416].

The community owes food to its members only during the days they work on its behalf; they must feed themselves, during the other days, from the products of the land granted to them. The food that the society gives them, and how it is prepared and distributed, is as follows. While the settlement attends mass, barley flour, whose grain has been roasted before being ground, is cooked in the middle of the square in three large cauldrons; this kind of gruel is seasoned with neither butter nor salt. Each hut sends for the ration of all its inhabitants in a bark container; when the cauldrons are empty, the crust from the bottom of the pot is distributed to the children who have best retained their catechism. This meal lasts three-quarters of an hour. At noon, the bells announce dinner; the Indians leave their work and send for their ration in the same container as for breakfast. This second gruel is a little thicker than the first; peas and beans are mixed with the wheat and corn of which it is composed; they return to work at two o'clock, and come back at four or five to say their prayers. When it is finished, and they have again kissed the missionary's hand, a gruel similar to that of breakfast is distributed to them. Every day is the same, says La Pérouse; and in describing one of these days, the reader will have the history of the entire year [417]. There are, however, feast days when raw meat is distributed; and, in some missions, a little is given to the men who work for the community, but without concern for their families [418].

The chiefs of the community must distribute canvas for clothing to each of the members. The regulations have determined the quantity that would be given to them per year: men are to have six varas (five meters), and women five. As for the children, it was judged that they did not need any [419]. The girls, who are sometimes nubile at eight years old, go completely naked until nine, without the missionaries being offended [420]. The clothing of the women and that of the men consists of a shirt of coarse canvas made in the country, which covers them no better than a gauze shirt would [421]. Breeches, shoes, and a hat are unknown luxuries among them [422]. In some missions, the richest sometimes possess a cloak of otter skin that falls to just below their groin; otherwise they are as naked as those who live in the woods [423].

The members of these communities are no better housed than they are clothed.

"Their huts," says La Pérouse, "are the most miserable one can find among any people; they are round, six feet in diameter by four in height; a few stakes the thickness of an arm, fixed in the ground and coming together in a vault at the top, form the frame; eight to ten poorly arranged bundles of straw on these stakes offer poor protection to the inhabitants from the rain or wind, and more than half of this hut remains uncovered when the weather is fine; their only precaution is to each have two or three bundles of straw in reserve."

Each of these huts, however, contains fourteen or fifteen people [424]. The dwellings and the population present such a miserable aspect that Vancouver thought that they could only be compared to the inhabitants of Tierra del Fuego [425].Faults or sins are punished with blows of the whip or by the stocks. The whips are made of manatee skins and resemble those used by planters in the colonies. The stocks consist of two beams between which the patient's legs are placed. An individual, man or woman, who misses prayer or who does not punctually execute an order given to them, is punished with a sound flogging. The same penalty is inflicted on the women who are charged with grinding the grain and who are guilty of the slightest infidelity. If the patient, overcome by pain, begs for mercy, the executioner sometimes lessens the force of the blows; but he always delivers the specified number. The men are whipped in the presence of the assembled community; but the women are flogged in secret, for fear that their cries and their despair might incite the men to revolt. These punishments often have the same degree of cruelty as those inflicted on slaves, even for faults that are not serious. Sometimes, instead of chastising the guilty women or children themselves, the chiefs have the executions carried out by the fathers or husbands, who discharge this duty as well as the magistrates could wish [426].

The government of each of these communities being theocratic, the magistrates have, for discovering faults or offenses, a means particular to them: confession. But, as the penalties inflicted on the guilty are vigorous floggings, it is understandable that the penitents are in no hurry to declare their faults: their silence is compensated for by obliging them to confess the sins of others. From this it happens that when a penitent presents himself, the priest already knows the points on which he must question him, and how he must go about convicting him.

"Between the minister of the Church and the Indian who is confessing," says Depons, "debates of a piquant singularity arise. It is rare for the Indian to adopt the attitude of a penitent; he kneels at the beginning; he is soon seated on the ground: and there, instead of declaring his sins, he strongly denies all those of which the confessor asks his admission; he must be clearly proven to be lying before he will admit his guilt for any sin; this he often does only at the last extremity, and while cursing those who informed the priest [427]."

The confession finished, the penitent is vigorously flogged in public [428]. Since each individual owes almost his entire self to the community from the moment he can engage in some labor, it has been necessary to prevent desertion. The chiefs have therefore not limited themselves to forbidding entry to their territory to all foreigners without distinction, but they have forbidden all their subordinates from leaving it. So that this prohibition would not become illusory, the use of the horse has been generally forbidden, and the ban has been lifted only in favor of a very small number of individuals who were thought to be trustworthy. The precautions were carried further: each settlement was surrounded by deep ditches; gates were placed at all entrances, and sentinels were posted to guard these gates. Thus, each individual was confined within a space of about five hundred meters in radius (600 varas), which he was never permitted to exceed, on pain of being punished with a flogging. The use of weapons was also forbidden [429].

The peoples subjected to such a regime manifest no kind of physical or intellectual activity. They go to work with such apathy that sixty or seventy of them do no more work than eight or ten of our workers of mediocre activity [430]. They are filthy as well as lazy, and take no interest in anything; whether the chiefs of the missions raise them to a dignity or demote them from it, it matters little to them [431]. Life itself inspires no attachment in them; they do not complain when they suffer; they die without feeling or inspiring regret [432]. They are so far from placing the slightest importance on anything that the women are ignorant of chastity, as the men are of jealousy. They seem not to have enough life to propagate [433]. They are no less indifferent to a future life than to what exists in this world [434].

These peoples nevertheless have numerous vices; besides the laziness and idleness of which I have already spoken, they have all the bad habits we have observed among savages and slaves.

"For nearly three centuries that we have sought to give this miserable species of men some idea of the just and the unjust," says Depons, "it has been impossible to get them to respect the property of others when they can steal it; to not be in a continual state of drunkenness when they have access to drink; to not commit incest when they have the opportunity; to not be liars and perjurers when lying or violating an oath is to their advantage; to apply themselves to labor when the hunger of the moment does not compel them [435]."

Their intellectual faculties are as undeveloped as their moral faculties; if they were less lazy, and less indifferent to everything that surrounds them, they would have more in common with bees and beavers than with men. They all cultivate the same plants; they arrange their huts in the same manner; they feed on the same foods, work the same number of hours, and engage in the same practices [436]. Their industry is limited to cultivating a few plants and to making the coarse canvas that serves as their clothing. The arts most common among us are unknown there [437]. They are of such stupidity that their curiosity cannot be excited even by the most unaccustomed spectacles, and that, according to the opinion of the missionaries themselves, they die at the most advanced age, without ever having emerged from childhood [438].

But these same men, so stupid and so indolent, who patiently allow themselves to be flogged at the church doors, show themselves to be cunning, active, impetuous, and cruel, whenever they act as a mob in a popular riot. Their will awakens with the awareness of their strength, and they march toward their goal with an energy that makes them brave all dangers [439].

It is impossible to consider attentively the social state of these peoples, their morals, the intellectual development proper to them, their weakness when they are isolated, their energy when they have shaken off the yoke of authority, without being struck by the analogy that exists between them and the negroes of the European colonies. The resemblance is so perfect that it was first perceived by the men most disposed to do justice to the zeal of the chiefs of these establishments.

"I confess," says La Pérouse after having praised their piety and their wisdom, "that, being more a friend to the rights of man than a theologian, I would have wished that to the principles of Christianity had been joined a legislation that, little by little, would have made citizens of men whose state today is almost no different from that of the negroes on the plantations of our colonies governed with the most gentleness and humanity [440]."

The influence exercised by the regime of the community of labor and goods on the intelligence and morals of the chiefs of government is not as easy to ascertain as the influence exercised by such a regime on the morals and intellectual faculties of the other members of the community. The chiefs of government cannot devote themselves to the labors of the fields; their occupation is to govern and to pray. We can know their private lives only imperfectly, because they rarely admit foreigners to visit the interior of their houses, and on these rare occasions, they show themselves only as they wish to be seen. However, as they are all subject to the same rules and exercise the same powers, what we know about some of them will allow us to judge what the others are. The uniformity of monastic rules singularly simplifies the research.

The missionaries, upon arriving in the country, bring with them the amount of knowledge that was given to them elsewhere, and appear not to hold instruction in high regard, if one judges at least by some of them.

"Our missionary," says M. de Humboldt, "seemed moreover very satisfied with his position.... The sight of our instruments, our books, and our dried plants drew from him a malicious smile, and he admitted with the naivety proper to these climates, that of all the enjoyments of life, without excepting sleep, none was comparable to the pleasure of eating good beef, carne de vacca: so true it is," adds M. de Humboldt, "that sensuality develops in the absence of intellectual pursuits [441]."

Another traveler tells us, speaking of a missionary whom he depicts as one of the best, that he considered all ancient and modern scholars as deputies of Satan, sent to corrupt the human race, and that he would gladly have made himself a demon for a few years to satisfy his holy vengeance upon them [442]. One can judge from this that the chiefs of these communities do not have very developed intellectual faculties, and the kind of life they lead is not suited to expanding them.

The chief of a mission, after having said his mass, gives his hand to be kissed by all the members of the community, then he has breakfast, but without sending for his ration of gruel from the common cauldron. Having had breakfast, he works with the corregidors who are his ministers, and then visits the workshops; if he goes out, it is never but on horseback, and in a grand procession. He dines at eleven o'clock, alone with his vicar. At two o'clock, he shuts himself in his quarters, and sleeps until evening. At seven, he has supper; at eight, says Bougainville, he is considered to be in bed [443]. It is not possible for us to know what the meals of the members of this government consist of; but, perhaps, we can presume it, when we have seen what becomes of the annual revenues of the community.

The missionaries, having a costume regulated by their order, cannot put much luxury into their clothing. The revenues of the community are used first for the construction of their houses, and then for the construction and ornamentation of the churches; the clothing of the other members of the association is placed only third in line, and everyone must go naked until these primary needs are satisfied. An old missionary assured M. de Humboldt that this order could not be changed under any pretext [444]. The houses and churches must vary according to whether the communities are older or younger, and whether they have more or less considerable revenues. The churches are, in general, the most magnificent in these regions; they are full of very large altars, sculptures, and gilding; the ornaments cannot be more precious [445].

The chiefs of government are naturally charged with the custody and administration of the common goods; they are also charged with conducting the trade that the interest of the society demands. But all the products of the common labors have ended up becoming the exclusive property of the administrators, and the persons employed in the execution of these labors have lost even the hope of ever reaping the fruit of them; nine-tenths of them have even ceased to receive the miserable garment that was granted to them. While the means of existence have diminished, the labors have become harsher and more continuous; the women have been led into the fields like the men, and sometimes these unfortunates have even been deprived of the two days during which they could work for themselves. The threats and promises of religion are in turn employed to obtain from them labors beyond their strength. "They are continually pushed to work," says Azara, "and finally all the goods of the community are divided among the chiefs, their favorites, and the administrators [446]."

The members of the communities make up for their lack of clothing with paint, and their administrators have found a way to make this need a source of revenue. Several have seized the trade of the color that serves to paint them red, and they sell it to them at an excessive price; they thus take from them the products of the free days that are left to them [447]. With the help of this and similar means, most manage to amass a fortune that some people have estimated at 60,000 to 80,000 piasters, and that the most moderate have put at half this sum [448].

The chiefs of the communities are not only the administrators of the common goods, they are also the guardians of the virtue of the girls and women. Two wings are attached to the house of the principal chief: in one, the arts required by common needs are practiced; in the other are a large number of young girls occupied with various works, under the guard and inspection of old women. According to Bougainville, the priest's apartment communicates internally with these two wings [449]; the same fact is attested to us by La Pérouse:

"The religious," he says, "have appointed themselves the guardians of the women's virtue. An hour after supper, they take care to lock up all those whose husbands are absent, as well as the young girls over nine years of age; and, during the day, they entrust their surveillance to matrons [450]."

La Pérouse does not tell us in whose hands this precious key is left; but he leaves it to be conjectured.

Travelers generally speak little of the private morals of the chiefs of these communities; but, when the Jesuits were replaced by other religious, rumors that were not very advantageous to them spread in America. Bougainville, who was then in the country, speaks of it only in an obscure manner:

"My pen refuses," he says, "to detail all that the public of Buenos Aires claimed to have been found in the papers seized from the Jesuits; the hatreds are still too recent for one to be able to discern the false imputations from the true ones [451]."

When domination becomes lucrative, one naturally seeks to extend it; this is what most of the chiefs of these associations did, when they began to perceive the advantages produced by a community of labor and goods; they went on a conquest of souls, conquista de almas. In the middle of the night, a missionary, followed by a troop of soldiers spurred on by the hope of rewards, would fall upon a settlement; everything that resisted was massacred, the huts were burned, the plantations were destroyed, and the old men, women, and children were brought back as prisoners. These conquered souls were then distributed among the missions, and care was taken to separate the mothers from the children, for fear that they might concert together the means of escape. The conquered children were treated as slaves until they reached the age of marriage [452].

The nuances that separate this manner of conquering and governing souls from the slave trade and slavery are so slight that it was difficult for the chiefs of the communities not to pass from one regime to the other. Thus, the missionaries ended up engaging in the slave trade, and several even had a very large number of them. When the Jesuits were replaced by others, the house of Cordoba alone possessed 3,500. The storehouses were also found filled with merchandise, among which were many kinds that were not consumed in the missions [453].

Thus, after more than two centuries of existence, communities that had for their object to ensure for each an equality of pleasures and pains, have produced the greatest of inequalities; they have put all the goods on one side and all the labors on the other. It must be said, however, that the equality was as great as it could be among all the individuals of the laboring class; but it was only an equality of ignorance, stupidity, vice, and misery; an equality similar to that which can exist among slaves.

The effects we have observed were consequences of the system, and were not produced by the particular vices of one class of men. Not long ago, this system was even considered by philosophers as the masterpiece of the human mind. Raynal placed it above all that legislators have ever produced of the most perfect. He claims that this system prevented crimes and dispensed with punishments; he says that the morals were beautiful and pure; that one feared one's conscience and not punishments; he speaks only with disdain of the politicians who saw, in the lack of property, an insurmountable obstacle to population; and this provides him with an occasion to show the misfortunes and vices to which the existence of property gives rise. Persuaded that the expulsion of the Jesuits would entail the fall of the system of the community of labor and goods, Raynal ends his panegyric in these terms: "Whatever happens, the most beautiful edifice that has been raised in the New World will be overthrown [454]."Bougainville, before having seen these communities up close, had the same opinion of them as Raynal; but he was promptly disabused [455].

The first Englishmen who went to America to settle there also formed associations in which labor and goods were to be common; the products they obtained from the land were locked in public storehouses, and a portion was distributed every week; but, in a short time, the abuses became so serious that the members of these associations were obliged to separate [456].

The Moravian Brethren, though sustained by religious zeal, experienced so many disadvantages from their associations that all the members ended up feeling an equal discontent [457].

A religious association, composed of about seven hundred Germans, was established a few years ago in North America. Having come from a country where competition had made it necessary for them to develop their intellectual and physical faculties, spurred on by religious zeal, and placed on a land where every man who works is assured of enjoying the fruits of his labor, they have made rapid progress.

The individuals of whom this association is composed having been formed under another regime, and being still only in their first generation, it is not possible to determine precisely what its future consequences will be. However, one can foresee, from this moment, that if the association continues for a long time, it will have most of the effects that we have observed in the communities formed by the missionaries.

The religious opinions of the members of this society lead them to consider marriage as contrary to the perfection of man, and these opinions have such power over them that, if they continued to act for fifty years with the force they have had to this day, the society would be destroyed for lack of members. These opinions, which threaten the association with destruction in the not-too-distant future, are a guarantee of its current existence; but if they should weaken in some young and well-constituted individuals, the believers will, in a short time, be the slaves of the unbelievers. They will have to work for themselves and for the children of others; and if they see themselves reduced to this necessity, they will not be long in using reprisals and placing their children in the charge of others.

In order not to shake their beliefs, they reject the use of printing from their midst, and admit no religious or political discussion, especially with foreigners; so that they find themselves naturally on the path that the Spanish missionaries traveled. Their pastor is, at the same time, head of the religion and of the administration; they think and act only under his direction, and are thus placed under a theocratic government analogous to that of Paraguay.

Although established only a few years ago, equality no longer exists between the chiefs and the subordinates, if indeed one can say that it ever existed. The use of tea and coffee is forbidden to the governed, and reserved for the governors. A book of receipts and expenditures was at first established; but, considerable values having passed into the hands of the administrators, the book was lost, and it has not been possible to find it. In order not to make losses of this kind in the future, it was determined that nothing more would be accounted for. The members of the government therefore have a power over the common goods equal to that which the missionaries enjoy in the Spanish colonies. One can, without being a prophet, predict that this association will have no more duration, nor better results, than those of which I have previously spoken [458].

Associations of labor and goods, formed by a great number of persons and for future generations, carry within them a principle of decay and destruction that nothing can paralyze; they will always result in the degradation of the population, and the harshest and most iniquitous of inequalities. To be convinced of this truth, it is enough to recall some of the facts I have cited in the first volume of this work.

I have observed that the actions we qualify as virtuous, like those we call vicious, all produce a mixture of good and evil; but that this good and evil do not arrive at the same time, and are not distributed in an equal manner. I have said that the most effective means of making vicious habits common is to leave to those who have contracted them all the enjoyments they produce, and to make the evils that result from them fall upon others. I have added that the most effective means of extirpating good habits is, on the contrary, to concentrate on those who have contracted them the pains that follow or accompany them, and to grant all the advantages to those who do not possess them. Now, if one will take the trouble to examine how the communities I have dealt with in this chapter act, one will see that they necessarily have this double effect. In this respect, they have a perfect resemblance to slavery, and must, consequently, lead to the same results.

Suppose that fifty individuals taken at random, and therefore differing from one another in their strengths, are put to work, and that the products are to be shared in equal portions; the share of the weakest and laziest having to be equal to that of the most diligent and strongest, the quantity of labor that will be performed by each will be regulated by the quantity that the weakest will give. If an individual works with zeal, he will have only the fiftieth part of the products of his labor, and he will bear all its fatigue; if he gives himself over to laziness, he alone will enjoy the pleasures it gives, but he will feel only the fiftieth part of the misery that follows it. Thus, by wishing to obtain an equality of labor and goods, one obtains only an equality of laziness and misery; one does not raise the lazy and poor men to the level of the active and well-off men, one makes the latter descend to the level of the former.

One can make, for intellectual labors, the same arguments as for purely physical labors: the most limited or most stupid man having the same advantages as the most intelligent man, no one is disposed to make an effort that would fall entirely on him, while he would reap only an infinitely small portion of the advantages that would be its consequence. One thus obtains an equality of ignorance and stupidity, when one leaves to the labors of the mind the fatigue that is inseparable from them, and attributes to the most limited men the same advantages as to the most intelligent; one does not raise the former to the level of the latter, one makes the latter descend to the level of the former.

In this system, a man has almost no influence on his destiny: if, by indulging in intemperance or other vices, he makes himself incapable of working, it matters little to him; others will work for him, for his wife, and for his children. It is as impossible for him to ruin himself as it is impossible for him to enrich himself; he therefore needs neither foresight nor economy. He does not even need esteem, since his share in the common wealth is always the same, and he cannot fall without the entire population descending at the same time as he.

He has no more influence on the destiny of his wife and his children than on his own; he can mistreat them since he is the strongest, but he is incapable of transmitting any benefit to them: whether he is sick or dies, it matters little to them; his loss will not be felt. For his part, the father can expect nothing from his children: having done nothing for them, they owe him no gratitude, and, if they owed him any, they would be incapable of acquitting themselves of it.

If each individual, having reached the age of puberty, sees fit to marry, the population will soon lack subsistence; if, on the contrary, the most foresighted impose deprivations on themselves so as not to increase the common misery, they will experience neither fewer deprivations nor less fatigue, since it will be necessary to feed and raise the children of others.

Such a regime, in a word, is suited only to extinguishing in man every principle of activity, affection, and benevolence, even supposing that the labors and the products that result from them are distributed in the most impartial manner; but, if it happens that the administrators take for themselves a more advantageous share than the others, the men who work cannot fail to become slaves in a short time.

The evils that weigh upon a nation are therefore always equally grave, whether a fraction of the population appropriates the products of the labors of the other, or whether the individuals of which it is composed aspire to establish between them an equality of good and evil. It follows from this that the inequality between the individuals of whom a people is composed is a law of their nature; that it is necessary, as much as possible, to enlighten men on the causes and consequences of their actions; but that the position most favorable to all kinds of progress is that where each bears the penalties of his vices, and where none can seize from another the fruits of his virtues or his labors.

END OF THE FOURTH AND FINAL VOLUME.

---

Notes

[^1]: If some people should still consult what I have written in the Censeur, it is, in general, the parts relating to the organization or distribution of political powers that they should consult with the least confidence. [^2]: De Montlosier, De la monarchie française depuis la restauration jusqu’à la fin de 1816. [^3]: Here are Rousseau's own words: "There is therefore a purely civil profession of faith whose articles it is for the sovereign to fix, not precisely as dogmas of religion, but as sentiments of sociability, without which it is impossible to be a good citizen or a faithful subject. Without being able to oblige anyone to believe them, he can banish from the State whoever does not believe them; he can banish him, not as impious, but as unsociable, as incapable of sincerely loving the laws, justice, and of sacrificing his life to his duty when necessary. If anyone, after having publicly recognized these same dogmas, behaves as if he does not believe them, let him be punished with death; he has committed the greatest of crimes, he has lied before the laws." From The Social Contract, book IV, ch. 8.

We see clearly here that Rousseau attaches the penalty of banishment, not to a bad action, but to a lack of belief; he attaches the death penalty, not to a determined fact, but to the presumption of a lie relative to this belief. I say to the presumption, for it is not rare for a man to act against his current belief, and especially against the belief he held at an earlier time.We see clearly here that Rousseau attaches the penalty of banishment, not to a bad action, but to a lack of belief; he attaches the death penalty, not to a determined fact, but to the presumption of a lie relative to this belief. I say to the presumption, for it is not rare for a man to act against his current belief, and especially against the belief he held at an earlier time. [^4]: The principle of utility, which Mr. Jeremy Bentham used as the basis for his treatises on legislation, has been strongly attacked both in England and in France; and what is singular is that it has been attacked, in the latter country, by a writer whose aim in his writings has almost always been to make public utility triumph over particular utility (See the preface to Mr. Benjamin Constant's work on religion). Mr. Bentham's principle has been considered a dangerous novelty; yet at the time Grotius wrote, this novelty was already more than two thousand years old; and, from Grotius to our own day, there is almost no publicist who has not adopted it. What is truly new are the attacks of which this principle has been the object in theory: the oldest date from the publication of Mr. Bentham's works. [^5]: A nation more enlightened than another may nevertheless have a more vicious legislation, if it has the misfortune of being a neighbor to barbarous nations that influence the course of its government. Thus some States of Europe, such as those of Italy and France, for example, may, in certain respects, be less advanced than the United States of America without being less enlightened. [^6]: There are writers who consider the errors, prejudices, and vices of peoples as the sole causes of their bad laws, their bad governments, and their misery, and who consequently advise these peoples to be enlightened, industrious, and virtuous, if they wish to have good laws, be well governed, and live happily. These maxims are easier to give than to practice; they are just, if it is in the power of all men to be enlightened, and if the vices of each individual are the primary cause of the evils he suffers. But if these vices are the effects of a given order of things, and if one does not have the power to change that order of things, how is it possible to destroy them? Let a preacher, for example, go and say to the negroes whom the Europeans have made into instruments of agriculture: "The slavery into which you were born and which makes you so miserable is the effect of your ignorance and your bad morals; the vices you reproach in your masters are results of your own vices, and justice demands that you bear the penalty for them. If armies of whites come to place themselves beside your possessors to make their force insurmountable, it is still you who have presided over the formation of these armies; it is your vices that have put weapons in their hands and that have summoned them. You are ignorant, because it does not please you to be instructed; you are lazy, because you do not understand the advantages of labor; you are false and liars, because you are cowards; you are cowards, because you do not know how to be the strongest; and you do not know how to be the strongest, because you have vices." If, I say, a missionary were to deliver this speech to the slaves of our colonies, does one think there would be nothing to object to him? Does one think that the reasons the negroes could give could not be given by a people of whites? In any position, a man or even a people cannot be industrious, enlightened, and virtuous with impunity. [^7]: One only destroys a false idea well by means of a just idea; and when the first has disappeared, the second remains. [^8]: One may object against this method that it necessitates lengthiness and that it obliges the mind to dwell on trivial truths. That is true; but these are objections that can be made against all sciences. What is simpler and more trivial than the descriptions that botanists give us of plants? What is more common than truths such as these: 2 and 2 are 4; who from 3 takes 2, 1 remains? It is, however, only after having passed through truths of this nature that one can arrive at solving the most difficult problems. It is the same in the moral sciences; it is by observing the simplest phenomena that one arrives at results one had never suspected. [^9]: It follows from these observations that the persons who have received the best moral education must often be among those who believe that, to judge the merit of an action or a habit, one need only consult one's feelings. These persons, in fact, need nothing else to judge well and to conduct themselves well; but they do not notice that, if their feelings, and the habits of their mind, direct them with such sureness and without their needing to reflect, it is only because they have been raised with much judgment and reflection; they fall into an error similar to that which a skilled musician would commit who had forgotten the lessons he had received, and who imagined that the fingers and ear of man are naturally skilled at executing and judging music. [^10]: The contradiction between the two systems is more apparent than real. I will show later that it is only a dispute of words. [^11]: Heinneccius, Recitationes, lib. 1, tit. 2, § 40. [^12]: Delvincourt, Institutes of Civil Law, preliminary title. [^13]: The Spirit of the Laws, book I, ch. 3. [^14]: Civil Laws, ch. II, § 6. [^15]: The Spirit of the Laws, book 26, ch. 4. [^16]: The Spirit of the Laws, book 1, ch. 2. [^17]: Ibid. [^18]: Jurists consider natural laws as being eternal and immutable, and positive laws as temporary and revocable at will; but this does not prevent them from making a natural law result from a positive law. Domestic slavery, for example, can exist only by virtue of a positive law; it is condemned by natural law. (L. 4 Dig. de just. et jur. L. 32, Dig. de reg. jur*.) Yet it is the laws of nature that sanction the obligations of freedmen toward their patrons: Naturâ enim opera patrono libertus debet. Dig. lib. 12, tit. 6, l. 26, §. 2. [^19]: Essay Concerning Human Understanding, book I, ch. 2. [^20]: General History and Description of Japan, by Charlevoix, preliminary book, ch. 2 and 9, and supplement ch. 8. [^21]: See the Essay Concerning Human Understanding, book 1, ch. 2, §. 9. [^22]: Treatise on Civil and Penal Legislation, vol. I, ch. 13, n. 10. [^23]: Treatise on Civil and Penal Legislation, ch. 13, n. 10, vol. 1, p. 137. [^24]: Delvincourt, Institutes of French Civil Law, vol. I, p. 2 and 3. — This jurist should have explained to us what he means by the past relative to laws that, according to him, are eternal. [^25]: Treatise on Civil and Penal Legislation, ch. 13, n. 10, vol. I, pp. 133-136. [^26]: Mr. Bentham, in considering pains and pleasures as sanctions of laws, divides goods and evils into four classes: physical, moral, political, religious. He then says that the pains and pleasures that one can experience or expect in the ordinary course of nature, acting by themselves without the intervention of men, compose the physical or natural sanction. But how did he not conclude from the existence of the sanction that acts without the intervention of men, and which he calls natural, the very existence of the law? One perceives here again the error, which consists in considering as natural nothing that is the result of the social order. See the Treatises on Civil and Penal Legislation, vol. I, ch. 7, pp. 46-47. [^27]: Lies and error are the only means that can produce such an effect. [^28]: Of all powers, the most natural, the most incontestable, and the most beneficent, is that of a father over his children: that one, at least, is the result of neither violence, nor usurpation, nor fraud; one can say as much of the power of the husband over his wife. It is remarkable, however, that in recognizing and consecrating these two powers, legislators have not considered them as rights; this results from the very title of the laws where they are discussed. The conversion of the authority of magistrates into rights is the most infallible sign of tyranny: it is the characteristic by which one can recognize that a people is considered a possession. [^29]: Certain philosophers agree with some men who push the love of despotism to the point of mania, in having religion intervene in the formation of laws; they differ on a single point: the latter want the laws to protect God and to be protected by Him in turn; the former want them to be the expression of the will of the gods, or to be sanctioned by them. According to Raynal, penal laws fall into disuse, unless the code is under the sanction of the gods. Why the gods? Would writers who wish to make lies the foundation of morality and legislation use the plural for fear of passing for credulous men if they used the singular? Would they think that, since the Christian religion no longer performs miracles, it is necessary to have them performed by the gods of Homer and Virgil? [^30]: The Social Contract, book 1, ch. 8 and 9. [^31]: Ibid. book 2, ch. 6. [^32]: The Social Contract, book 1, ch. 6. [^33]: The Social Contract, book 1, ch. 3. [^34]: The Social Contract, book 2, ch. 3. [^35]: Ibid. ch. 6. [^36]: A people has often been compared to an individual; one has consequently spoken of its childhood, its youth, its maturity, its old age, and even of its stature, and one has gravely reasoned on these words as if they represented something. This is not the least absurd of systems. [^37]: The Social Contract, book 2, ch. 8. [^38]: Ibid, book 2, ch. 2, note. [^39]: The Social Contract, book 4, ch. 2. [^40]: The Social Contract, book 2, ch. 1. [^41]: The Social Contract, book 4, ch. 2. [^42]: The Social Contract, book 1, ch. 4, 8, and 9. [^43]: The Social Contract, book 1, ch. 7. [^44]: Ibid, book 2, ch. 5. [^45]: The Social Contract, book 2, ch. 6. [^46]: Could Rousseau have thought that, under Asiatic governments, the laws are the expression of the general will? One might be tempted to believe so, if one were to judge by the admiration he manifested for the Turks in several parts of his works, and especially by what he says at the end of chapter I of book 2 of The Social Contract. "It is not," he says, "that the orders of the chiefs cannot pass for general wills, as long as the sovereign, being free to oppose them, does not do so. In such a case, from the universal silence, one must presume the consent of the people." From which one can conclude that, in the Turkish empire, the wills of the sultan are the expression of the general will until the day he is strangled. It is true that, printing being unused in Turkey, it is difficult for ideas to spread in a regular enough manner to form a general will. But printing is not necessary for that, and the Turkish government, which has forbidden its use, has rendered a service to morals and to liberty. Thus at least thought Rousseau. [^47]: The Social Contract, book 2, ch. 6, 7 and 8. [^48]: We will see later what happens when legislators take it upon themselves to regulate the moral duties of the members of society. [^49]: Th. Raynal thought, in this regard, like Rousseau. [^50]: When Figen, emperor of Japan, wanted to have morality taught in his states, the bonzes opposed him with such strong resistance and were so irritated by it, that, in order not to be the victim of their sacred zeal, he was obliged to abdicate. Charlevoix, General History of Japan, preliminary book, ch. 9. [^51]: See the Treatise on Individual Guarantees, by Mr. Daunou. [^52]: A celebrated theologian, Saint Augustine, claimed that governments had seized upon religion only to dispose more easily of peoples (de Civitate Dei, ch. 32); and it is certain, in fact, that there is no despotism more terrible than that of a government which has joined religious authority to civil and military power. But can one not say of priests who invade civil power, what Saint Augustine says of the heads of governments, who make an instrument of religion? Whether the magistrate arrogates to himself the authority of the priest, or the priest arrogates to himself the authority of the magistrate, is it not exactly the same thing for the public? Are they not always men who unite the two powers in their persons? [^53]: Jean-Jacques Rousseau greatly admires the legislators who have made religion the basis of morality and laws. "Mohammed," he says, "had very sound views, he bound his political system well, and as long as the form of his government subsisted under the caliphs his successors, that government was exactly one, and good in that." Elsewhere, he approves of the religion of the Japanese; the reason he gives is that "It is a kind of theocracy, in which one should have no other pontiff than the prince, nor other priests than the magistrates. Then to die for one's country is to go to martyrdom; to violate the laws is to be impious; and to subject a guilty person to public execration is to devote him to the wrath of the gods." The Christian religion appears, on the contrary, to Rousseau to be destructive of the social order; and, after having given it the greatest praise, he seeks to prove that it is the worst of all. He summarizes these observations in these terms: "But I am mistaken in speaking of a Christian republic; each of these two words excludes the other. Christianity preaches only servitude and dependence. Its spirit is too favorable to tyranny for tyranny not to always profit from it. True Christians are made to be slaves; they know it and are scarcely moved by it: this short life has too little value in their eyes." The Social Contract, book 4, ch. 8.

To complete the parallel that Rousseau made of the various religions, he only needed to prove that men had made much more progress in Japan and in the empire of Mohammed than among the Christian peoples of France, England, or the United States of America. If he had undertaken to prove that the arts, sciences, commerce, morals, and laws were more advanced among the Japanese and the Turks than among any Christian people, he would have lacked neither reasons nor admirers; he would have found far more morality and liberty in Constantinople than in Philadelphia.To complete the parallel that Rousseau made of the various religions, he only needed to prove that men had made much more progress in Japan and in the empire of Mohammed than among the Christian peoples of France, England, or the United States of America. If he had undertaken to prove that the arts, sciences, commerce, morals, and laws were more advanced among the Japanese and the Turks than among any Christian people, he would have lacked neither reasons nor admirers; he would have found far more morality and liberty in Constantinople than in Philadelphia. [^54]: Bentham. (B. M.) [^55]: It is willingly acknowledged, at least in words, that the public good or general utility ought to be the result of legislation; but each person understands by public good or by general utility, the exclusive utility or good of the nation to which he belongs. An Englishman, for example, will say, in very good faith, that the ministers of his king, before proposing a law to parliament, ought to calculate the goods and evils that will result from it for the English nation, and decide in favor of the party that will produce the most good; but, were he president of a bible society, he would laugh at you if you told him that his ministers ought to include in their calculations the goods and evils that the same law will produce for other nations. Ask him, however, why ministers ought to consult anything other than their personal and immediate interest, or why they ought not to consult the interest of all men in general? He will not know what to answer, unless he resorts to the social contract, to primitive conventions, or to other absurdities of that kind. Thus, even when one admits the principle of general utility as the basis of legislation, one understands only a private utility relative to the human race; from which it results that morality has no basis, and that everything is reduced to knowing who is the strongest at a given moment. I have cited an Englishman by preference, because they are one of the peoples who reason best on legislation; but I could just as well have taken my example in France or even in America. [^56]: It follows evidently from this that legislation and morality can make lasting and certain progress only through a great diffusion of enlightenment, and by the general action of the human race on the individuals or collections of individuals who seek their particular good in the evils of the great number, and who feel dispensed from asking why the public happiness ought to be the object of the legislator. I find myself here in opposition to a writer whose opinions one may not always share, but whose wit, talents, and perseverance in defending liberty one cannot, at least, contest: it is Mr. Benjamin Constant. Here is how he expresses himself:

“Since the statesmen of Europe have adopted for a maxim that all improvement must come from power alone, be granted exclusively by it, and be granted only when the peoples have made no attempt to impose conditions or trace limits to authority, no one, it seems, ought to intervene in what touches upon government; no one can do so without facing useless perils, and, what is more serious, without calling upon his head a moral responsibility that seems to me too heavy a burden.

“Indeed, is it not incontestable that by demonstrating the existence of an abuse, the necessity of a reform, one exposes oneself to creating the desire for it in the minds of a multitude that suffers from this abuse, or that would gain from this reform? And who can foresee the result of a desire born of conviction, and become more ardent by the very obstacles? But if this desire leads nations to too bold demands, or to irregular acts, it will follow that they will be deprived for a much longer time of the goods they solicit. It is to this sad result that I do not wish to contribute in any way.

“I do not exaggerate the influence that writers exert: I do not believe it to be as extensive as governments suppose; but this influence exists nonetheless. It is to it that we have owed the abolition of religious severities, the suppression of hindrances to commerce, the prohibition of the slave trade, and many improvements of various kinds.

“In any other time this conviction would have added to courage; it now stops the conscience. It is established that only from on high must come the light. The wishes that the light coming from below would suggest to the peoples would be a reason for the fulfillment of these wishes to be indefinitely postponed, should their manifestation be at all imprudent.

“I will therefore remain silent on politics. Power has claimed for itself alone the totality of our destinies.” Commentaries on the Work of Filangieri, by Mr. Benjamin Constant, Part II, ch. I.

What is most remarkable in the opinions of Mr. Benjamin Constant on the subject that occupies us is that, after having demonstrated the necessity of not enlightening the public for fear that it might imprudently manifest the desire to obtain good institutions, the author demonstrates the necessity of giving energy to religious sentiment, so that the cause of liberty does not lack martyrs; from which one could conclude that fanaticism devoid of enlightenment is the most suitable thing in the world for reforming bad laws or for establishing good ones. See the preface to the work entitled: On Religion.

“Since the statesmen of Europe have adopted for a maxim that all improvement must come from power alone, be granted exclusively by it, and be granted only when the peoples have made no attempt to impose conditions or trace limits to authority, no one, it seems, ought to intervene in what touches upon government; no one can do so without facing useless perils, and, what is more serious, without calling upon his head a moral responsibility that seems to me too heavy a burden.

“Indeed, is it not incontestable that by demonstrating the existence of an abuse, the necessity of a reform, one exposes oneself to creating the desire for it in the minds of a multitude that suffers from this abuse, or that would gain from this reform? And who can foresee the result of a desire born of conviction, and become more ardent by the very obstacles? But if this desire leads nations to too bold demands, or to irregular acts, it will follow that they will be deprived for a much longer time of the goods they solicit. It is to this sad result that I do not wish to contribute in any way.

“I do not exaggerate the influence that writers exert: I do not believe it to be as extensive as governments suppose; but this influence exists nonetheless. It is to it that we have owed the abolition of religious severities, the suppression of hindrances to commerce, the prohibition of the slave trade, and many improvements of various kinds.

“In any other time this conviction would have added to courage; it now stops the conscience. It is established that only from on high must come the light. The wishes that the light coming from below would suggest to the peoples would be a reason for the fulfillment of these wishes to be indefinitely postponed, should their manifestation be at all imprudent.

“I will therefore remain silent on politics. Power has claimed for itself alone the totality of our destinies.” Commentaries on the Work of Filangieri, by Mr. Benjamin Constant, Part II, ch. I.

What is most remarkable in the opinions of Mr. Benjamin Constant on the subject that occupies us is that, after having demonstrated the necessity of not enlightening the public for fear that it might imprudently manifest the desire to obtain good institutions, the author demonstrates the necessity of giving energy to religious sentiment, so that the cause of liberty does not lack martyrs; from which one could conclude that fanaticism devoid of enlightenment is the most suitable thing in the world for reforming bad laws or for establishing good ones. See the preface to the work entitled: On Religion. [^57]: Aristotle's Politics, book 3, chap. 4, § 7, and chap. 5, §§ 1 and 4. [^58]: Cic. de Off., lib. I, c. 25. [^59]: Here are Grotius's own words: “Sed sicut cujusque civitatis jura utilitatem suæ civitatis respiciunt, ita inter civitates aut omnes aut plerasque ex consensu jura quædam nasci potuerunt, et nata apparet, quæ utilitatem respicerent non cætrum singulorum, sed magnæ illius universitatis.” On the Law of War and Peace, prolegomena, p. 2 and 3 of the Amsterdam edition of 1660. [^60]: Wolff, Institutes of the Law of Nature and of Nations, § 12. — Vattel adopted Wolff's principles in his Questions of Natural Law. [^61]: Foundations of Natural Jurisprudence, § 19, p. 5. [^62]: Politics, book 3, chap. 7, § 267. [^63]: Foundations of Natural Jurisprudence, §. 1. 267. [^64]: Even the men who have established the most baneful systems have had, or have said they had, utility as their goal. Hobbes seeks to establish despotism only by founding it on this principle. J.-J. Rousseau, in his Social Contract, says, in beginning his system, that he will always try in his inquiries to ally what right permits with what interest prescribes, so that justice and utility may not be found divided. Finally, even those who have fought the principle of utility and of well-understood interest have taken this principle as the basis of their reasonings; they have wanted to replace the system of utility with a more useful system, and to substitute for well-understood interest a better-understood interest. This is what the whole system of Mr. Benjamin Constant on the religious sentiment is reduced to. [^65]: The objection I am speaking of here is not a vain supposition. Discussing one day with a friend of mine the foundation of laws and morality, I maintained that there was no more solid foundation than that which Mr. Bentham has so well developed: general utility. This principle, he replied, is good for us who believe ourselves subject to duties; but how will we prove to legislators who mock the public, and who do not believe in hell, that public happiness ought to be their object, or that general utility ought to be the principle of their reasonings? For such men, does the word duty have a meaning? This objection, made by a man of profound sense and very delicate moral sentiment, left me, I confess, without a reply. It took much reflection for me to become convinced that a vast diffusion of enlightenment is the only means of making legislation and even morality make certain progress. It is necessary that peoples become enlightened enough, so that the men invested with power, who place individual interests above general utility, and who do not believe in another world, find at least their hell in this one. [^66]: Sometimes the laws according to which a people exists and perpetuates itself are considered as consequences or developments of an act established by a prince or by an assembly. It is then said that this act, to which is given the name of charter or constitution, is a fundamental law that serves as a basis for the entire social order, and which cannot be assailed without society falling into ruin. One would say that it is with peoples as with those edifices built at public expense, of which certain magistrates claim to lay the first stone, for the reason that they watch the masons at work. It is true that these fundamental and eternal laws are very often destroyed without the peoples being any the worse for it; sometimes they are even much better off.

“The fundamental law of any country,” says Voltaire, “is that one sows wheat, if one wants to have bread; that one cultivates flax or hemp, if one wants to have linen; that each be the master of his field, whether this field belongs to a boy or a girl; that the half-barbarous Gaul kill just as many entirely barbarous Franks, who will come from the banks of the Main, to seize this field that they do not know how to cultivate, to ravish his harvests and his flocks, without which the Gaul will become a serf of the Frank, or will be assassinated by him.

“It is on this foundation that the edifice rests. One builds his foundation on a rock, and the house lasts; the other on sand, and it collapses.” Philosophical Dictionary. SALIC LAW. [^67]: We are so disposed to extend our existence, by carrying ourselves back to a time when we did not yet exist, or to a time when we will have long since ceased to exist, that we often consider as personal to us the honorable actions that belonged to our ancestors, or that we suppose ought to be executed by our descendants. We speak of the victories we won centuries ago over our enemies, of the treasons or cruelties they committed against us, as if these peoples still existed, as if our individual existence had a duration of three or four centuries. It is as a consequence of this sentiment that vengeances are transmitted from generation to generation among barbarous peoples, and that, among civilized peoples, we see men so ridiculously vain of what was done, said, or written, several centuries ago, by others than by them. It is this ridiculousness that Shakespeare expressed so well in one of his best comedies. Abraham Slender, enumerating the titles of his cousin Robert Shallow: “Esquire, in the county of Gloster, justice of peace, and coram” adds: “And a gentleman born, who writes himself, armigero, in any bill, warrant, quittance or obligation, armigero.”

To which Shallow replies: “Ay, that we do, and have done any time those three hundred years.” (The Merry Wives of Windsor.)

It is on an illusion of this kind that all aristocratic pride is founded.

To which Shallow replies: “Ay, that we do, and have done any time those three hundred years.” (The Merry Wives of Windsor.)It is on an illusion of this kind that all aristocratic pride is founded. [^68]: Jurists have distinguished two kinds of laws: written laws and unwritten laws. They would have expressed themselves more justly if they had said that peoples have undescribed laws and laws of which a description has been made. By considering codes as simple descriptions, one would have understood that, to transport the laws of one nation to another, it was not enough to transport or reprint a book there. The ease with which the peoples of Europe appropriated the code of Justinian leads me to believe that most of these laws already existed, and that they only needed to be well described. The state of barbarism in which most modern languages then were, and the clarity, precision, and even elegance with which Roman jurists described the facts that occurred before their eyes, would suffice to explain the admiration that their decisions aroused, and which they still inspire in those who study them. I will have occasion to demonstrate elsewhere that the peoples of Europe did not adopt new laws by seizing the collection published by order of Justinian, and that this collection obtained such great success only because it contained an exact description of what was happening in society, and because it provided the means to satisfy pre-existing needs. Roman jurists had described the acts of civil life as Hippocrates described the symptoms of diseases; and what made the success of the latter made the success of the former: the exactness of the descriptions, the soundness of the observations. [^69]: It is for want of having understood this that peoples have sometimes seen guarantees in promises whose execution nothing assured, not even the good faith of the promisors. Let a government, for example, say to a people, I guarantee to each the freedom to publish his opinions; will that constitute a guarantee against itself or against the executors of its will? No, assuredly, since the guarantee will be useless as long as it does not itself make it necessary, and it will no longer be found as soon as the need for it is felt. According to Hume, the kings of England confirmed the Magna Carta thirty times. What time and violence it took for the English nation to understand that declarations, confirmations, promises, and even oaths are absolutely nothing, as long as there does not exist in society an independent power that has the desire and the force to make them respected by those who are their authors! [^70]: The action that peoples exercise on themselves through the intermediary of their government, and which constitutes one of the elements of the law, is that which bad governments endure with the most impatience. There is not an individual, living or aspiring to live at the public's expense, who does not consider as a calamity, and almost as a crime, any attempt by which a nation seeks to act on its own destiny, by acting on the ideas or on the passions of those who govern it. [^71]: See Montesquieu, The Spirit of the Laws. [^72]: Revolutions of this kind, of which we have seen examples in some countries, are hardly possible in a free country where all magistrates are elected by the people, as in the United States of America. [^73]: Even the most sound minds, the most free from prejudice, have not always avoided the error of taking the description for the thing described. "London only became worthy of being inhabited," says Voltaire, "after it was reduced to ashes. The streets, from that time, were widened and aligned: London became a city for having been burned*. Do you want to have good laws? Burn yours and make new ones.*" Philosophical Dictionary. Art. Salic Law.

It is as if one said to a man complaining of his ugliness: Do you want a beautiful face? Burn your portrait and have another one made. One can burn books; but one can no more burn the laws of a people than one can burn its passions, its errors, its prejudices, and the various classes of the population that maintain the others in the state in which they find themselves. Before the reign of Charles VII, none of the numerous customary laws by which France was governed had yet been described. If a philosopher had said to the peoples who existed then, your laws are bad, throw them into the fire, they would have had difficulty understanding how it was possible to burn laws. [^74]: When the Court of Cassation was established, France was not yet governed by a uniform legislation, and it was ordered that, in this court, there should be judges taken from all the courts of appeal. But by then all the customs had already been described; a great number of general laws existed, and France was on the verge of being subjected to a uniform legislation. [^75]: It is rather common for philosophers to describe imaginary laws, and then to present them to nations under the name of constitutions or codes: thus we have had republics, constitutional monarchies, etc. It is doubtful that the evils produced by these imaginary codes have not exceeded the good that resulted from them. [^76]: If a law conforms to the interest of the human race, it will doubtless suffice for its proper understanding to know and consult that interest; but if it was made with a view to favoring a few individuals at the public's expense, if it is oppressive or tyrannical, how can one hope to understand it well and execute it well, if one does not seek the spirit or the thought of the legislator? This objection is well-founded; but it remains to be demonstrated that it is the duty of peoples to understand tyrannical laws well, and to apply them in the spirit that dictated them; it remains to be demonstrated that men are obliged, in conscience, to conform their conduct to the ideas of a despot or a false mind, even when they have the power to conduct themselves otherwise. If a law is good, it will be well understood by consulting the public interest; if it was made with bad intentions, one must still consult the public interest, for it is good that it be destroyed. In all cases, the thought of the legislator is out of the question. [^77]: A man who is agitated by malevolent passions is a man who suffers, because such passions engender pain; but it does not follow that a man who suffers is always agitated by malevolent passions. One often says of a poor man, he is a wretch; but one would not say of a man who is a wretch: he is a perverse man. [^78]: If we do not have the same sympathy for an individual who experiences a physical pleasure or pain as for one who experiences a moral enjoyment or pain, it is easy to see the reasons for the difference. A physical pleasure cannot spread beyond the individual who experiences it; one can procure pleasures of this kind, not only without anyone else being happier for it, but by causing the unhappiness of a great number of individuals. But a moral enjoyment can, in general, exist only insofar as several persons are happy at the same time; for it to be real, it must be produced by benevolent affections, by those that engender pleasures for other persons. Moral pains and enjoyments are more social, and belong more especially to man; physical enjoyments tend more toward isolation: they can be the lot of the most solitary and crudest animals. [^79]: Diderot, Life of Seneca. [^80]: Jeremy Bentham, Treatise on Legislation. [^81]: Dionysius of Halicarnassus, book 6, § 62. [^82]: When the senate sent deputies to Marcius to exhort him not to make war on Rome, these deputies threatened to slaughter his mother, his wife, and his two children before his eyes. "If you besiege our ramparts," they told him, "no one in your family will be spared; there will be no ignominy and no torture through which they will not be made to pass." Dionysius of Halicarnassus, book 8, § 28.

When Cassius was put to death for having aspired to tyranny, his goods were confiscated, his house razed, and a special decree of the senate was needed to exempt his young children from torture; until that time, the children had been slaughtered whenever the fathers had been found guilty. Dionysius of Halicarnassus, book 8, § 80. [^83]: Volney. [^84]: Plutarch, Life of Coriolanus. [^85]: I will explain elsewhere the nature, causes, and effects of slavery, among the ancients and among the moderns. [^86]: Plutarch, Lives of Marius and Sulla. [^87]: Plutarch, Lives of Cato the Censor and Flaminius. [^88]: Plutarch, Lives of Publicola and Cicero. — See the Lives of Marius, Sulla, Caesar, Pompey, Antony, Cicero and Cato of Utica. [^89]: The Stoics had, to inspire contempt for riches, a reason that I have not developed here, which is that they exposed the possessor to be proscribed, and kept him in a continual state of alarm. When Seneca begged Nero to take back the rich gifts he had given him, he was asking him, in polite terms, to restore the security of which he had deprived him. [^90]: One can see the moral system of the Stoics in Adam Smith's Theory of Moral Sentiments. — This doctrine is exactly the same as that of Mr. Bentham. [^91]: If human actions had always been judged by the effects they produce, would anyone ever have thought to say that it is the opinion of peoples that makes their actions virtuous or vicious? Would a philosopher ever have written the following passage: "Can one find anywhere intermediate nuances between the conjugal fidelity imposed by our morals, and the prostitution honored among the tribes scattered across the great Ocean? There are therefore virtues and vices, as there is a beauty and an ugliness, of locality and convention: change your latitude, ugliness changes into beauty, vice is changed into virtue"? Fleurieu, Voyage du capitaine Marchand, vol. 1, ch. 3, p. 238.

The laws of morality are no more arbitrary than the laws of the physical world; but one can be ignorant of the former as of the latter, and ignorance does not suspend their effects.The laws of morality are no more arbitrary than the laws of the physical world; but one can be ignorant of the former as of the latter, and ignorance does not suspend their effects. [^92]: The system that supposes that all the good and all the evil that occur in society are produced by the action of the government is fundamentally the same as that of Hobbes; it differs only on a single point: Hobbes supposes that an individual who commands always goes straight, and that the population always goes astray; in the system where it is claimed that all good is done by the government, the privilege that Hobbes places in an individual is placed in an assembly or a council; but, in both, the human race is considered from the same point of view. [^93]: A legislator of antiquity judged that he should not make laws to repress parricide. Our governments have been more prudent, and doubtless they were right. I am not very convinced, however, that their lack of foresight in this regard, and in some others, would have disturbed public security among us much more than Solon's lack of foresight disturbed it among the Athenians. [^94]: Macartney, Voyage to China and Tartary, vol. 2, ch. 4, p. 378. — Barrow, Voyage to China, vol. 3, ch. 13, p. 94 and 95. [^95]: Macartney, Voyage to China and Tartary, vol. 4, ch. 3, p. 209. [^96]: Barrow, Voyage to China, vol. 1, ch. 4, p. 283 and 286. [^97]: Id. p. 295. [^98]: Barrow, Voyage to China, vol. 1, ch. 2, p. 126 and 127, and ch. 4, p. 286 and 287; vol. 3, p. 280. — Macartney, vol. 3, ch. 4, p. 299 and 329. [^99]: When one compares the number of children who are abandoned by their parents in the States of Europe, and particularly in the large cities, to the number of those who are abandoned in the empire of China, and when one takes into consideration, at the same time, the differences in population and wealth, one is surprised to find, in this respect, an immense advantage in favor of Chinese customs. One would think that the number of children exposed annually in a city of three million inhabitants is much greater than travelers say, if they did not inform us that all these children are brought to the same place; that the Jesuit missionaries go there every morning to administer baptism to those who are still breathing, or to preserve them, and that it is from these missionaries themselves that they hold the facts they report. [^100]: Macartney, Voyage to China and Tartary, vol. 2, chap. 4, p. 382. [^101]: Barrow, Voyage to China, vol. 3, ch. 12, p. 56. [^102]: Id. vol. 2, ch. 8, p. 194 and 195. — Macartney, Voy. to China and Tartary, vol. 2, ch. 4, p. 318 and 319; and vol. 3, ch. 4, p. 231. [^103]: Travelers give us frightening pictures of the effects produced in China by the lack of any act of government that represses infanticide and the exposure of children, and that obliges parents to feed and raise those to whom they give birth. But when one reduces the facts they report to their true value, one is extremely surprised to see how small is the sum of good that can be produced in this regard by the action of government, which is nevertheless exclusively given the name of law. In the States of Europe, where governments certainly lack neither activity nor surveillance, where it is decreed that fathers and mothers will feed their children, where infanticide is punished by death, where concealment and substitution of civil status are punished with penalties that are hardly less severe, where one boasts of possessing a pure religion and an enlightened morality, there are, proportionally speaking, ten times more exposures or infanticides than there are in the Chinese empire, where the government believes it should never place itself between parents and their children to obstruct the action of the former on the latter. Could the Chinese have despaired of finding, to protect children, magistrates more attentive, more vigilant, more affectionate than fathers? [^104]: Suetonius, Life of Caesar, ch. 44. [^105]: Voltaire, Essay on Morals, ch. 81 and 121, vol. 11, p. 233 and 484, Lefèvre ed. [^106]: Tomlins’ law dictionary, v° Luxury. [^107]: J. Barrow, Voyage to China, vol. I, ch. 4, p. 250. [^108]: Voltaire, Essay on the Morals of Nations, ch. 81. [^109]: I do not give such a regulation the name of law, for the reason that it cannot produce the desired result. [^110]: Plutarch, Life of M. Cato, p. 404. [^111]: J. Barrow, Voyage to China, vol. 1, ch. 4, p. 250*.* [^112]: Governments have so considered themselves the preservers of the human race that they have seemed to believe it necessary to use force to oblige peoples to live and to reproduce: they have made laws to oblige men to marry, and thus to perpetuate their species; they have then made others to declare that fathers and mothers would feed their children, and to prevent them from destroying them; they have made others to enjoin them not to ruin themselves with foolish expenses, and not to expose themselves to dying of hunger; finally, they have even made some to enjoin them to bear life, and not to let themselves die voluntarily. The peoples must have been very miserable, since their rulers or masters believed they needed to use an artificial force to prevent them from destroying themselves; for I do not think that the princes or ministers by whom these laws were made judged all men by themselves, and felt the temptation to renounce their budget, to strangle their children, and to hang themselves. [^113]: I have not included in the calculation of evils the inconveniences inseparable from the establishment of any judicial order; but these inconveniences depend on so many circumstances that I would be drawn too far afield if I wanted to indicate them. One can judge them, moreover, by what I have said about them previously, pages 445 and 446. [^114]: I speak here only of the preservation of goods in the family, and not of the distribution that takes place among the members of which it is composed; this is a subject I will treat elsewhere. [^115]: The identity was so well established in the eyes of Roman jurists that the entire family in a way formed but a single individual whose will resided in the person of the father. If the father died, his children were considered a continuation of himself. [^116]: It is rather common for sophists to take advantage of the existence of these two kinds of inclinations to recommend great scoundrels to public esteem, or to tarnish the finest characters. If a tyrant or some of his satellites let slip one of those glimmers that announce they still belong to humanity; if, after having plunged entire populations into mourning and desolation, they give some weak marks of benevolence to a small number of individuals whom they forget the next moment; if, after having reduced nations to the most intolerable state of servitude, they give a shadow of liberty to one of their slaves, all present and past crimes are forgotten, to present to the eyes of the people only these acts of extraordinary benevolence. But also, if a man who has rendered the greatest services to humanity, who has shed light on his century, or who has marked his life only by good deeds, has the misfortune to show a moment of weakness, to let slip some movements of vanity, impatience, or ill humor, that is enough to tarnish all the good he has done. The crimes of the former are justified by the supposition of good intentions they did not have; the fine actions of the latter are condemned by attributing them to bad motives that are foreign to them. [^117]: Life of Cato. [^118]: In England, the laws still pronounce penalties against suicide; but juries always evade their application by means of a lie: in all cases, they declare that death was the result of madness, insanity. We have seen in France, under the imperial government, decrees that punished self-mutilation and expatriation: it was a consequence of slavery. A government is judged when its subjects believe they can preserve themselves only by flight or by the sacrifice of their limbs. [^119]: A law of Justinian willed that a woman of ill repute be considered as never having erred, from the moment she returned to virtue. Cod. lib. 5, tit. 4, 1. 23. [^120]: The Times, December 31, 1824. [^121]: Paris has only one hospital that receives women who cannot or will not give birth at home: London has eleven, and in these eleven, four thousand people are received annually, not including the outreach assistance they provide. London has more than four houses where women who have been cast out of society by their misconduct are received: Magdalen hospital, London female penitentiary, the Asylum, Refuge for the destitute, not to mention many other establishments whose moral effect is no better. Several provisions of English legislation, which I will have occasion to speak of elsewhere, contribute to making the bad results of these establishments even more certain. [^122]: The consequences of these laws are so extensive that I will be obliged to speak of them elsewhere. [^123]: The Americans, by the honors they have rendered to M. de Lafayette, have done more for their independence than if they had bristled the United States with fortresses. When a nation grants similar honors to the men who have served it, and transmits from generation to generation the memory of the services it has received, one can be assured that it will never lack men who devote themselves to its defense. [^124]: Scholars have been divided on the question of whether to designate the black, white, copper-colored, or swarthy peoples by the name of races, varieties, or species. I will not resolve this question, for reasons I will explain elsewhere; but as I am obliged to use one of these denominations, for lack of finding one that leaves the question undecided, each reader may substitute for the one I use whichever other suits him better. [^125]: See volume I, book II, chap. I, p. 278 et seq. [^126]: The misery or prosperity of one part of the population generally influences the fate of the other parts; but it can very well happen that certain classes of society live in abundance, possess rich furnishings, beautiful houses, and pleasant countrysides, while other classes live in misery, are poorly clothed, and inhabit miserable huts. I will have occasion to show more than one example of this. [^127]: Anderson, 3rd voyage of Cook, book I, ch. VI, vol. I, p. 234; Cook, 2nd voyage, book III, ch. I, vol. 5, p. 1 and 2. [^128]: Kolbe, Description of the Cape of Good Hope, volume I, ch. VI, and XVII, p. 83 and 368. [^129]: De Humboldt, Voyage to the Equinoctial Regions, volume VI, book VII, ch. 19. p. 223, 324 and 331. [^130]: Robertson’s History of America. Voltaire, Philosophical Dictionary, at the word Beard. [^131]: Al. de Humboldt, Political Essay on New Spain, volume I, book II, ch. 6, p. 398. [^132]: Cuvier, Comparative Anatomy, volume II, p. 6. [^133]: V. Denon, Voyage in Lower and Upper Egypt, volume II, p. 20. [^134]: Rollin, Voyage of La Pérouse, volume IV, p. 89. [^135]: 12] It is this tendency that each species has to consider itself as the type of perfection that has determined them all to make their gods similar to themselves, and to prostrate themselves before their own images. If triangles made a god, a philosopher has said, they would give him three sides. If I wanted to prove that, in the theories that peoples have made about beauty, they have always taken their own species as a model, I would be obliged to stray far from my subject. I will limit myself to making known the features by which the natives of North America recognize beauty:

"Ask a Northern Indian," says Hearne, "in what it consists? He will answer you that a broad, flat face, small eyes, hollow cheeks, three or four black lines across each of them, a low forehead, a large chin, a big, hooked nose, a swarthy skin, and a pendulous throat constitute true beauty." Voyage to the Northern Ocean, ch. 4, p. 84.

Among negroes, white is the color of sadness and mourning; it is under this color that they imagine infernal spirits; the celestial and benevolent spirits are black like them. We judge otherwise; and the best reason we can give for our judgment is that we are white. [^136]: If one judged the intelligence of certain animals by the external shape of their head, one would believe it to be much more extensive than it really is. The Athenians perhaps did not judge otherwise when they made the owl the bird of Minerva. [^137]: The denomination of each species does not seem to me very well chosen: these denominations suppose resolved questions of origin that are not at all resolved. Denominations drawn from the distinctive characters of each species would have been more suitable than those drawn from the places from which they are supposed to originate: peoples can change place, but they carry everywhere the characters that distinguish them. One would designate much better, for example, the natives of America by the denomination of copper-colored species, and the peoples who have black skin by the denomination of negro species, than one designates them by the denominations of American species and Ethiopian species. It is not easy to see why the black peoples scattered in the islands of the Pacific Ocean are designated by the name of Ethiopian species; nor why the copper-colored peoples, who are supposed to be a variety of the so-called Caucasian species, should bear the name of American species, when almost all of America is covered with individuals of another species, who are also born on the soil, and who, in the system according to which all peoples belong to the same stock, have a common origin with them. [^138]: The English write Feejee. [^139]: "The blood of the Mingrelians," says Chardin, "is very fine; the men are well-made, the women are very beautiful. Those of quality all have some feature and some grace that charms. I have seen some who were marvelously well-made, of majestic air, of admirable face and figure; they have besides that an engaging look that caresses all who look at them, and seems to ask them for love." Voyage to Persia, volume I, p. 168 and 169. [^140]: Not all peoples of the negro race have the characters that Blumenbach and Lawrence attribute to them here. There are several, as will be seen later, who have organs as well-formed as the best-constituted peoples of the Caucasian race. The descriptions of the physiologists would be different if, instead of having been made on a few individuals belonging to certain tribes, they had been made on individuals belonging to other tribes. The particular facts that served as the basis for their general descriptions are so few that it is doubtful they can serve to characterize entire races. The portrait that Blumenbach and W. Lawrence draw of the peoples of the Ethiopian race no more resembles the Xhosa and other African peoples than the peasants of Lower Brittany resemble Greek statues. [^141]: This picture that W. Lawrence has drawn of the particular characters of the American species is neither complete, nor even entirely exact.

The individuals of this species have, almost without exception, small and well-made hands and feet; this is a character that has been observed among all the peoples of this race, from the Patagonians to the inhabitants of Canada. Wallis, Voyage around the World, volume II, ch. I; p. 18 and 19. — Ulloa, Philosophical Discourses, vol. II, disc. 17, p. 4. — Azara, Voyage in South America, volume II, ch. X, p. 9.

They have small, black, and deep-set eyes. Rollin, Voyage of La Pérouse, vol. IV, p. 52 and 53. — Dampier, Voyage around the World, vol. I, ch. VII, p. 183. — De Humboldt, Voyage to the Equinoctial Regions, volume III, book 3, ch. IX, p. 278. Political Essay on New Spain, volume I, book 2, ch. VI, p. 387 and 388. — Ulloa, Philosophical Discourses, volume II, p. 4.But it is above all in the shape of the head that the natives of America differ from all other peoples. “Osteology teaches us,” says M. de Humboldt, “that the skull of the American differs essentially from that of the Mongol race: the former offers a more inclined facial line, though straighter than that of the negro; there is no race on the globe in which the frontal bone is more depressed in back, or which has a less prominent forehead. The American has cheekbones almost as prominent as the Mongol; but their contours are more rounded, with less acute angles: the lower jaw is wider than in the negro; its branches are less spread apart than in the Mongol race; the occipital bone is less convex, and the protuberances that correspond to the cerebellum, and to which M. Gall's system gives great importance, are not very perceptible.” Political Essay on New Spain, volume I, book II, ch. VII, p. 397, 398 and 399.

The bones of the skull, in individuals of this species, are thicker than they are in the Caucasian species. Ulloa, Disc. philosoph., volume II, disc. 17, p. 12 and 13.

Individuals of the copper-colored species also have thicker skin, and seem endowed with less sensitivity. Ulloa, volume II, p. 12. — Azara, volume II, ch. II, p. 181.

Their bones, deposited in the earth, dissolve in a shorter space of time. Azara, volume II, ch. X, p. 59.

They are not subject to losing either their teeth or their hair. They turn gray only very rarely and very late in life. Azara, Voyage in South America, volume II, ch. X, p. 9. — De Humboldt, Political Essay on New Spain, volume I, book II, ch. 6, p. 394. In regions where they are not destroyed by war or by excesses, they reach a more advanced old age than we do. Azara, volume II, ch. X, p. 24, 25, 104 and 110. — De Humboldt, Political Essay on New Spain, volume I, book II, ch. 6, p. 394. — Ulloa, volume II, p. 35. — Charlevoix, New France, vol. III, book II, p. 18. — Lahontan, volume II, p. 96.

The men have comparatively small sexual parts; the women have very large pelvic diameters and sexual parts. They give birth without anyone's help, with the greatest ease, and almost without pain. Childbirth does not oblige them to interrupt their usual labors. They are very subject to miscarriages. Rollin, Voyage of La Pérouse, volume IV, p. 58. — Azara, Voyage in South America, volume II, ch. X, p. 59, 152, 180 and 181. — Stedman, Voyage to Surinam, volume II, ch. XIV, p. 122 and 123.

The individuals of this species have, almost without exception, small and well-made hands and feet; this is a character that has been observed among all the peoples of this race, from the Patagonians to the inhabitants of Canada. Wallis, Voyage around the World, volume II, ch. I; p. 18 and 19. — Ulloa, Philosophical Discourses, vol. II, disc. 17, p. 4. — Azara, Voyage in South America, volume II, ch. X, p. 9.

They have small, black, and deep-set eyes. Rollin, Voyage of La Pérouse, vol. IV, p. 52 and 53. — Dampier, Voyage around the World, vol. I, ch. VII, p. 183. — De Humboldt, Voyage to the Equinoctial Regions, volume III, book 3, ch. IX, p. 278. Political Essay on New Spain, volume I, book 2, ch. VI, p. 387 and 388. — Ulloa, Philosophical Discourses, volume II, p. 4.

But it is above all in the shape of the head that the natives of America differ from all other peoples. “Osteology teaches us,” says M. de Humboldt, “that the skull of the American differs essentially from that of the Mongol race: the former offers a more inclined facial line, though straighter than that of the negro; there is no race on the globe in which the frontal bone is more depressed in back, or which has a less prominent forehead. The American has cheekbones almost as prominent as the Mongol; but their contours are more rounded, with less acute angles: the lower jaw is wider than in the negro; its branches are less spread apart than in the Mongol race; the occipital bone is less convex, and the protuberances that correspond to the cerebellum, and to which M. Gall's system gives great importance, are not very perceptible.” Political Essay on New Spain, volume I, book II, ch. VII, p. 397, 398 and 399.

The bones of the skull, in individuals of this species, are thicker than they are in the Caucasian species. Ulloa, Disc. philosoph., volume II, disc. 17, p. 12 and 13.

Individuals of the copper-colored species also have thicker skin, and seem endowed with less sensitivity. Ulloa, volume II, p. 12. — Azara, volume II, ch. II, p. 181.

Their bones, deposited in the earth, dissolve in a shorter space of time. Azara, volume II, ch. X, p. 59.

They are not subject to losing either their teeth or their hair. They turn gray only very rarely and very late in life. Azara, Voyage in South America, volume II, ch. X, p. 9. — De Humboldt, Political Essay on New Spain, volume I, book II, ch. 6, p. 394. In regions where they are not destroyed by war or by excesses, they reach a more advanced old age than we do. Azara, volume II, ch. X, p. 24, 25, 104 and 110. — De Humboldt, Political Essay on New Spain, volume I, book II, ch. 6, p. 394. — Ulloa, volume II, p. 35. — Charlevoix, New France, vol. III, book II, p. 18. — Lahontan, volume II, p. 96.

The men have comparatively small sexual parts; the women have very large pelvic diameters and sexual parts. They give birth without anyone's help, with the greatest ease, and almost without pain. Childbirth does not oblige them to interrupt their usual labors. They are very subject to miscarriages. Rollin, Voyage of La Pérouse, volume IV, p. 58. — Azara, Voyage in South America, volume II, ch. X, p. 59, 152, 180 and 181. — Stedman, Voyage to Surinam, volume II, ch. XIV, p. 122 and 123. [^142]: W. Lawrence’s Lectures on Physiology, Zoology, and the Natural History of Man, sect. 2, ch. 10, p. 549-572.

The peoples of the Malay race are those who most closely approach the Caucasian race. They do not all have black hair as W. Lawrence thought. Those of the Marquesas de Mendoça islands offer the same varieties in their hair as Europeans: among them one sees blond, chestnut, black, long, curly, and sometimes very smooth and even very coarse hair. These peoples have regular and agreeable features, in the sense that we attach to these words. Their complexion, without being white, nevertheless approaches ours in persons who are not exposed to the sun. What distinguishes them is a yellowish tint, and the absence of the particular coloring on the faces of peoples of the Caucasian race. (Rollin, Voyage of La Pérouse, vol. IV, p. 20. — Fleurieu, Voyage of Captain Marchand, volume I, ch. II, p. 97, 152 and 153. — Krusenstern, Voyage around the World, volume I, ch. IX, p. 205.) Cook observes that the Malays do not have on their cheeks the hues that we call 'coloring'. (First Voyage, book I, ch. XVII, vol. II, p. 537 and 338.) This trait is common to them and all other species. Individuals of the Caucasian species are the only ones who have been endowed with the faculty of blushing. [^143]: M. Bory de Saint-Vincent has divided the human genus into fifteen species. He does not admit that there exists only one primitive species that has divided into several varieties. He thinks, on the contrary, that the divisions that have been considered as simple varieties form just as many primitive species. One can see the reasons on which he bases this, in the Dictionnaire classique d’Histoire naturelle, under the entry Man. [^144]: “Peoples who have white skin,” says M. Alexandre de Humboldt, “begin their cosmogony with white men. According to them, negroes and all swarthy peoples were blackened or browned by the excessive heat of the sun.” This theory, adopted by the Greeks, though not without contradiction, has spread down to our own day. Buffon restated in prose what Theodectes had expressed in verse two thousand years before: “that nations wear the livery of the climates they inhabit.”

“If history had been written by black peoples, they would have maintained what even some Europeans have recently advanced, that man is originally black or of a very swarthy color, that he has whitened in some races through the effect of civilization and a progressive weakening, just as animals in a state of domesticity pass from a dark tint to lighter ones.

“In plants and in animals, accidental varieties, formed before our eyes, have become constant, and have propagated without alteration. But nothing proves that, in the current state of human organization, the different races of black, yellow, copper-colored, and white men, when they remain unmixed, deviate considerably from their primitive type through the influence of climates, food, and other external agents.” Voyage to the Equinoctial Regions, book III, chapter IX, pages 367 and 369. [^145]: This error—judging the laws to which human nature is subject by analogy with the laws followed by animals of a completely different genus—is a very common one; it serves as the basis, as will be seen elsewhere, for a great number of J.-J. Rousseau's sophisms.

“In man,” says M. de Humboldt, “the deviations from the common type of the entire race relate more to height, physiognomy, and body shape than to color. It is not so with animals, where varieties are found more in color than in form. The fur of mammals, the feathers of birds, and even the scales of fish change their tint according to the prolonged influence of light and darkness, according to the intensity of heat and cold.

“In man the coloring matter seems to be deposited in the dermoid system by the root or bulb of the hairs, and all good observations prove that the skin varies in color through the action of external stimulus, in individuals, and not hereditarily in the entire race.” Voyage to the Equinoctial Regions, volume III, book chapter IX, pages 366 and 367. [^146]: “I observe,” says this learned traveler, “that the face of negroes represents precisely that state of contraction which our own face assumes when struck by light and a strong reverberation of heat. Then the brow furrows, the cheekbones rise, the eyelid tightens, the mouth purses. This contraction, which occurs perpetually in the bare and hot country of the negroes, must it not have become the characteristic feature of their face?” Travels in Syria and Egypt, volume I, page 74. [^147]: De Humboldt, Voyage to the Equinoctial Regions. [^148]: La Pérouse, volume IV, page 54 and 55. — Fleurieu, Voyage of Captain Marchand, volume II, ch. IV, p. 48 and 49. — Cook, third Voyage, volume V, book 4, ch. V, p. 247. [^149]: Henry Salt, A Voyage to Abyssinia, vol. I, chap. I, pag. 50. — Degrandpré, Voyage to the Western Coast of Africa, vol. II, chap. IV, pag. 38 and 39. [^150]: There are even, in this regard, many individual exceptions. [^151]: Of all known peoples, the Arabs of the Desert are those whose race has been preserved the purest; they have never been enslaved; they have never mixed with other races; they inhabit today the same soil they inhabited in the most remote centuries; they have the customs they had in the most ancient times of which history or tradition makes mention; and yet, though placed under a burning sky and exposed to the open air, they have taken on neither the color, nor the hair, nor the features of the Ethiopians; according to J. Bruce, several of their women are, on the contrary, very blond. Travels to Discover the Source of the Nile, volume II, book I, ch. 6, p. 270.

The Moors who expose themselves to the open air have a very brown complexion; but those who live continually inside houses are very white. “The women of the cities,” says Poiret, “not being, like the mountain women, burned by the sun and overwhelmed with labors, are almost all very beautiful, with dazzlingly white skin, and a very fine stature.” Poiret, Travels in Barbary, or Letters written from ancient Numidia, vol. I, lett. XXI, p. 144, 145 and 146.The Moors who expose themselves to the open air have a very brown complexion; but those who live continually inside houses are very white. "The women of the cities," says Poiret, "not being, like the mountain women, burned by the sun and overwhelmed with labors, are almost all of a great beauty, with a dazzling whiteness, and a very fine stature." Poiret, Travels in Barbary, or Letters written from ancient Numidia, vol. I, lett. XXI, p. 144, 145 and 146. [^152]: W. Lawrence’s, Lectures on Physiology, Zoology, etc., section II, ch. 9, p. 522 and 523. [^153]: Description of the Cape of Good Hope, volume I, ch. 7, p. 91. [^154]: Labillardière, volume II, chapter XIV, page 276. [^155]: Bougainville, Voyage around the World, part two, volume II, p. 122. — Dentrecasteaux, Voyage in Search of La Pérouse, volume I, chapter V, page 124. — Labillardière, volume I, chapter VI, page 227. [^156]: Dentrecasteaux, ibid., chapter VI, page 132; Labillardière, chapter VII, pages 254 and 263. [^157]: Bougainville, part two, chapter IV, volume II, page 90. [^158]: Cook, second voyage, volume IV, chapter V, page 97. [^159]: Cook, second voyage, volume V, chapter I, pages 1 and 2. [^160]: Cook, third voyage, book I, chapter VI, volume I, pages 192 and 193. [^161]: Péron, Voyage of Discovery to the Southern Lands, volume II, book IV, chapter XXVII, section 2, page 182. [^162]: There are, in this regard, exceptions that Péron appears not to have known. Labillardière, Voyage in Search of La Pérouse, volume I, chapter V, page 176. It is particularly in the north of New Holland, that is, in the part most distant from Van Diemen's Land, that one finds a race of negroes with woolly hair. Dampier, A New Voyage Round the World, volume II, chapter XVI, page 141. [^163]: Péron, Voyage of Discovery to the Southern Lands, volume II, book IV, chapter XXVIII, section I, pages 163 and 164. — Labillardière, Voyage in Search of La Pérouse, volume II, chapter X, pages 33 and 34. — L. Freycinet, Voyage of Discovery to the Southern Lands, book II, chapter IX, page 292. — De Papy, who wrote before the discovery of most of the islands of the Pacific Ocean, claimed, like Buffon, that the difference in the temperature of climates had produced the differences in color observed between the peoples of the Ethiopian species and those of the Caucasian species. "Negroes exist nowhere," he says, "except in the excessively hot countries of the globe: there are none outside the bounds of the torrid zone." Philosophical Researches on the Americans, volume I, part one, section II, page 178. [^164]: The peoples included under the denomination of Ethiopian species are subdivided into a multitude of different races, each having particular characters that are transmitted by generation, and on which the climate appears to have no influence. The nomadic Tibbos and Tuaryks are the only ones affected by the greater or lesser heat: "They offer," says M. de Humboldt, "a very remarkable physiological phenomenon; for some of their tribes are, according to the nature of the climate, white, yellowish, or almost black, but without having frizzy hair or negro features." Views of Nature, volume I, page 101.

It has been claimed, in America, that a negro named Henri Moss had become white, and that his hair had become smooth and chestnut-colored like that of Europeans. It is not said whether his nose became aquiline, whether his lips thinned, whether his face became perpendicular, whether his brain developed. M. de Larochefoucault-Liancourt speaks of this transmutation in his Travels in the United States, volume V, pages 124, 525 and 526; and Volney assures having seen, not the fact, but an authentic official report of the transformation; A View of the Soil and Climate of the United States, volume II, page 437. — Voltaire was persuaded that at no age did the natives of America have a beard; and he founded his belief on legal attestations from men in authority. Philosophical Dictionary, at the word Beard. [^165]: Ulloa, Philosophical Discourses, vol. II, D. 17, p. 3, 4 and 5. — Alexandre de Humboldt, Voyage to the Equinoctial Regions, book III, ch. IX, vol. III, p. 277 and 278. [^166]: Cook, third voyage, book I, ch. V, vol. II, p. 336. — Bougainville, Voyage around the World, first part, ch. VIII, vol. I, p. 163 and 164. — Wallis, Voyage around the World, vol. II, ch. I, p. 18 and 19. [^167]: De Humboldt, Voyage to the Equinoctial Regions, vol. III, book III, ch. 9, p. 227 and 278. — Dampier, A New Voyage Round the World, vol. I, ch. XVII, p. 183. [^168]: Hearne, A Journey to the Northern Ocean, ch. IX, p. 285. [^169]: Lahontan, Travels in North America, vol. II, p. 93 and 94. — Ellis, A Voyage to Hudson's Bay, p. 233. — Mackenzie, Voyages... in North America, volume I, p. 230, 231, 281 and 282. — Weld, Travels Through... Canada, volume III, ch. 35, page 63. [^170]: Weld, Travels Through... Canada, volume II, ch. XXX, p. 247. [^171]: Raynal, Philosophical History, volume III, book VI, p. 519. [^172]: De Humboldt, Political Essay on New Spain, volume I, book II, ch. VI, p. 385. [^173]: Ulloa, Philosophical Discourses, volume II, Dis. XVII, p. 3. [^174]: La Pérouse, Voyage around the World, volume II, ch. IX, p. 229 and 230. — De Humboldt, Political Essay on New Spain, volume I, book II, ch. VI, p. 387 and 388. — Cook, third voyage, volume V, book IV, ch. II, p. 100 and 106. [^175]: A View of the Soil and Climate of the United States, volume II, p. 437.

Without discussing here the effects that light produces on bodies, one will at least agree that it does not produce similar effects on all of them. We see growing on the same soil, and under the rays of an equally ardent sun, roses of all colors; swans, white in cold climates, do not become gray in temperate climates, and black in the torrid zone; lilies remain white under the most ardent sky, as under the coldest climate where it is possible for them to develop. [^176]: Travels Through... Canada, volume III, ch. XXXV, p. 64 and 65. [^177]: Hennepin, Manners of the Savages of Louisiana, p. 34. [^178]: Political Essay on New Spain, volume I, book II, ch. VI, p. 388 and 389. — The exception that M. de Humboldt observes with regard to the copper-colored race was observed by Campe with regard to the negro races, and by Kolbe with regard to the Hottentots. [^179]: Voyage to the Equinoctial Regions, book III, ch. IX, volume III, p. 277 and 278. [^180]: Political Essay on New Spain, volume II, ch. VI, p. 385.

One finds, in M. de Humboldt's Voyage to the Equinoctial Regions, observations that confirm those he made in his Political Essay. This learned traveler divides the population that existed in America before the conquest into several races; here are the terms in which he speaks of those who belong to the copper-colored race: "The men who belong to this second branch are taller, stronger, more warlike, more taciturn. They also offer very remarkable differences in the color of their skin. In Mexico, in Peru, in New Granada, in Quito, on the banks of the Orinoco and the Amazon, in the entire part of South America that I have examined, in the plains as on the very cold plateaus, Indian children, at the age of two or three months, have the same bronzed complexion that is observed in adults. The idea that the natives might well be whites tanned by the air and the sun has never presented itself to a Spaniard, an inhabitant of Quito, or of the banks of the Orinoco." Book III, ch. IX, volume III, p. 360 and 366. [^181]: Anderson, third voyage of Cook, book I, ch. VIII, volume I, p. 319 and 321. — Dentrecasteaux, Voyage in Search of La Pérouse. [^182]: Cook, second Voyage, volume III, ch. I, p. 140. — Rollin, Voyage of La Pérouse, volume IV, p. 19 and 20. [^183]: Cook, third Voyage, book II, ch. X, volume III, p. 90. Labillardière says that the women who constantly keep themselves sheltered from the sun have a very white complexion. (Voyage in Search of La Pérouse, vol. II, ch. XI, p. 117.) But his testimony is in opposition to that of the numerous travelers who have visited these islands. The Sandwich Islands, placed at the same distance from the equator as the Friendly Islands, are subject to the same influence. The inhabitants of both, belonging to the same species, must consequently be of an equal color when they are in the same ranks. I have seen, in England, the chief of the first of these islands, as well as his wife and the persons of their suite; and, far from finding their complexion very white, I found it olive-colored, or of a very dark brown. One cannot believe, however, that the sun had blackened them more than the women observed by Labillardière. If, instead of comparing the complexion of the women of the Friendly Islands to the complexion of the swarthy men who surrounded them, or to the complexion of the sailors of the crew, this traveler had compared it to the complexion of most European women, it is doubtful that he would have found it very white. Cook says that he saw among these peoples three individuals of a perfect whiteness; but, he adds, I presume that their color is a disease rather than a phenomenon of nature. Third Voyage, book II, ch. X, volume III, p. 90. Among these peoples, however, a great number of individuals take extreme care to whiten their complexion; they spend several months without leaving their houses; they wear a considerable quantity of cloth to protect themselves from contact with the air, and they eat only the fruit of the breadfruit tree, which, according to them, has the property of whitening the skin. Anderson, third Voyage of Cook, book III, ch. IX, volume IV, p. 113. [^184]: Krusenstern, Voyage around the World, volume I, ch. IX, p. 205. — Fleurieu, Voyage of Captain Marchand, volume I, ch. II, p. 97, 152 and 153. [^185]: Chardin, Travels in Persia, volume III, ch. XI, p. 403, and volume VIII, p. 177. [^186]: Macartney, Voyage to China and Tartary, vol. III, ch. IV, p. 58. [^187]: La Pérouse, Voyage around the World, volume III, ch. XIX, pages 104 and 105. [^188]: Hearne, A Journey to the Northern Ocean, chapter VI, page 157; — Ellis, A Voyage to Hudson's Bay, pages 172 and 173.

The Eskimos of Greenland, Labrador, and the northern coast of Hudson's Bay, the inhabitants of the Bering Strait, the Alaska Peninsula, and Prince William Sound, all belong to the same race. "The eastern branch and the western branch of this polar race, the Eskimos and the Tchogazes, despite the enormous distance of eight hundred leagues that separates them, are linked by the most intimate analogy of languages. This analogy even extends, as has recently been proven in an indubitable manner, to the inhabitants of northeast Asia; for the idiom of the Chukchi, at the mouth of the Anadyr, has the same roots as the language of the Eskimos who inhabit the coast of America opposite Europe. The Chukchi are the Eskimos of Asia. Voyage to the Equinoctial Regions, book III, chapter IX, pages 360 and 361.The Eskimos of Greenland, Labrador, and the northern coast of Hudson's Bay, the inhabitants of the Bering Strait, the Alaska Peninsula, and Prince William Sound, all belong to the same race. "The eastern branch and the western branch of this polar race, the Eskimos and the Tchogazes, despite the enormous distance of eight hundred leagues that separates them, are linked by the most intimate analogy of languages. This analogy even extends, as has recently been proven in an indubitable manner, to the inhabitants of northeast Asia; for the idiom of the Chukchi, at the mouth of the Anadyr, has the same roots as the language of the Eskimos who inhabit the coast of America opposite Europe. The Chukchi are the Eskimos of Asia. Voyage to the Equinoctial Regions, book III, chapter IX, pages 360 and 361. [^189]: Chardin, Travels in Persia, volume III, ch. XI, p. 403 and 404, and volume VIII, p. 177. [^190]: Macartney, Voyage to China and Tartary, volume III, ch. IV, p. 252 and 257. [^191]: De La Pérouse, Voyage around the World, volume III, ch. XIX, p. 104 and 105. — Rollin, Voyage of La Pérouse, volume IV, p. 90, 91, 98 and 99. [^192]: Thunberg, Travels in Africa, Asia, and Japan, ch. XIII, p. 411 and 412. [^193]: La Pérouse, volume III, ch. XXI, p. 193. [^194]: Coxe, Account of the Russian Discoveries. [^195]: Fleurieu, Voyage of Captain Marchand, volume II, ch. IV, p. 46, 47 and 48. — La Pérouse, volume I, ch. IX, p. 231 and 232. — Cook, third Voyage, book IV, ch. V, volume V, p. 240 and 241. — Hearne, A Journey to the Northern Ocean, ch. VI, p. 157. — Ellis, A Voyage to Hudson's Bay, p. 172 and 173. [^196]: Chardin, Travels in Persia, volume VI, ch. XVI, p. 82 and 83. — Thunberg, Travels in Africa and Asia, and principally in Japan, ch. II, p. 47. — De Humboldt, Voyage to the Equinoctial Regions, book II, ch. IX, volume III, p. 292 and 293. [^197]: Péron, A Voyage of Discovery to the Southern Hemisphere, book II, ch. VII, p. 144. [^198]: Barrow, An Account of Travels into the Interior of Southern Africa, volume I, ch. I, p. 148. [^199]: A Voyage to the Islands of Trinidad, Tobago, etc., volume I, ch. I, p. 118. — Mollien, Travels in the Interior of Africa, volume I, ch. IV, p. 289 and 290. [^200]: See Malte-Brun, Universal Geography, volume V, book XCIII, p. 94 and 108. [^201]: Cook, third Voyage, volume V, ch. I, p. 1 and 2. [^202]: Forster, Cook's second Voyage, volume IV, ch. III, p. 97. — Cook, second Voyage, volume IV, ch. III, p. 128. [^203]: Labillardière, volume II, ch. XIV, p. 275 and 276. [^204]: Labillardière, volume I, ch. VII, p. 254. [^205]: Philosophical Discourses, volume II, disc. XVII, p. 5. [^206]: Political Essay on New Spain, volume I, book II, ch. VI, p. 81 and 82. [^207]: Buffon, Voltaire, Robertson, and de Paw have claimed that individuals of the American race have no beard; this is an error that hardly needs refuting anymore. The men of this species have beards like those of the Mongol species; they are sparse but strong and coarse. It is the care they take in plucking them that has led to the belief that they have none at all. If individuals are found who are deprived of them, these are rare exceptions, and they never extend to an entire people. De Humboldt, Political Essay on New Spain, volume I, book II, ch. VI, p. 389 and 390, and Voyage to the Equinoctial Regions, book III, ch. IX, volume III, p. 293 and 294. — Depons, A Voyage to the Eastern Part of Terra Firma, volume I, ch. IV, p. 298. — La Pérouse, Voyage around the World, volume II, ch. 18, p. 229 and 230. — Rollin, Voyage of La Pérouse, vol. IV, p. 52, 53 and 58. — Stedman, Narrative of a Five Years' Expedition against the Revolted Negroes of Surinam, volume II, ch. XIV, p. 93 and 95. — Dixon, A Voyage Round the World, vol. II, p. 10 and 11. — Hearne, A Journey to the Northern Ocean, ch. IX, p. 285. — Mackenzie, Voyages from Montreal... Through the Continent of North America, volume I, p. 230 and 231, and 282 and 283. — The philosophers who, on the faith of a few superficial travelers, claimed that the Americans had no beard, have at length explained the reasons for this supposed phenomenon. Those who might be curious to know them can consult de Paw, Philosophical Researches on the Americans, volume I, part 1. It is difficult to explain with more talent the causes of a fact that does not exist. [^208]: Rollin, Voyage of La Pérouse, volume IV, p. 19 and 30. [^209]: Krusenstern, Voyage round the World, volume I, ch. IX, p. 206. — Fleurieu, Voyage of Captain Marchand, volume I, ch. 2, p. 97, 151 and 153. [^210]: The Mexican population, says M. de Humboldt, is composed of the same elements as those offered by the Spanish colonies. Seven races are distinguished: 1st, individuals born in Europe, commonly called Gachupines; 2nd, Creole Spaniards, or whites of European race born in America; 3rd, the mestizos, descendants of whites and Indians; 4th, the mulattoes, descendants of whites and negroes; 5th, the Zambos, descendants of negroes and Indians; 6th, the Indians themselves, or the copper-colored race of natives; 7th, the African Negroes. Political Essay on New Spain, vol. I, book II, ch. VI, p. 367. [^211]: If we were to trace the history of most of the false opinions that govern men, we would find that almost all of them were born not only before the facts that should have been their basis had been observed, but even before it was possible to know them. Thus the opinion on the influence of climates, first put forth by Hippocrates and Diodorus Siculus at a time when the greater part of the globe was unknown to the most enlightened men, was blindly adopted by Bodin in his Republic, who transmitted it to Chardin, who transmitted it to the Abbé Dubos and to Montesquieu, who in their turn transmitted it to Robertson, to Gibbon, to the Abbé Raynal, and to most of the writers who came after them. If, in reading The Spirit of the Laws, one perceives that Chardin's opinion is adopted there without examination, one perceives in reading Robertson that he blindly adopted the opinion of Montesquieu. The historian arranges the facts to justify a system, instead of letting his opinions arise from the exposition of the facts: History of America, Book IV, vol. II, p. 138 and 139, the 10th edit. — M. Malte-Brun has very clearly perceived the error into which the writers who founded a system on Hippocrates' opinion regarding the influence of climates have fallen: Universal Geography, volume III, book XLVI, p. 19 and 22, 2nd ed. [^212]: Chardin, Travels in Persia, volume IV, ch. XVII, p. 91. [^213]: Ibid., volume VI, ch. XII, p. 9. [^214]: The Spirit of the Laws, book XIV, ch. II. [^215]: The Spirit of the Laws, book XIV, ch. III. [^216]: Ibid., ch. IV, VII, IX and X; book XV, ch. VI and VIII. [^217]: The Spirit of the Laws, book XIV, ch. X. [^218]: Ibid. ch. XI, XII and XV. [^219]: Gibbon, following the example of Montesquieu, considers the tall stature attributed by Tacitus to some Germanic peoples as an effect of climate: The History of the decline and fall of the Roman Empire, vol. I, ch. IX, p. 348. [^220]: Larochefoucault-Liancourt, Travels through the United States of North America, second part, vol. IV, p. 55. — Weld, Travels through Canada, volume I, ch. VI, p. 119 and 120. [^221]: The inhabitants of New Caledonia, to rid themselves of the nuisance of mosquitoes, are obliged to always have fire and smoke in their narrow huts. The habit of fire makes them so sensitive to cold that, although located between the tropics and on low-lying ground, they dare not expose themselves to the coolness of the night. "They appeared frozen with cold," says Dentrecasteaux, "when they came aboard on cool days; they thus received with pleasure all kinds of clothing that were given to them, and covered themselves with it very willingly." Voyage in Search of La Pérouse, volume I, ch. XXVI, p. 356.

The inhabitants of the Friendly Islands, located at the same latitude, but not being obliged to use fire to rid themselves of insects, sleep naked in huts open to all winds and covered only with a little foliage, and they are not susceptible to the cold. Bougainville, Voyage around the World, second part, volume II, ch. I, p. 50. [^222]: Hearne, A Journey to the Northern Ocean, chap. VI, p. 157. — De Paw, Philosophical Researches on the Americans, volume I, third part, p. 259. [^223]: Ellis, A Voyage to Hudson's Bay, page 172. [^224]: Raynal, Philosophical History, volume VIII, book XVII, p. 357. [^225]: Hearne, A Journey to the Northern Ocean, ch. IX, p. 284. [^226]: Lahontan, New Voyages to North-America, volume II, page 93. [^227]: Hearne, ch. IV, p. 83. [^228]: Weld, Travels through Canada, volume III, ch. XXXV, p. 68. [^229]: Michaux, Travels to the West of the Alleghany Mountains, ch. XXII, page 236. [^230]: Hennepin, Manners of the Savages of Louisiana, p. 14 and 17. The women in Louisiana, says Hennepin, have so much vigor that there are few men in Europe who have as much as they do; they carry burdens that two or three of us would have trouble lifting. Sometimes they take on their backs, when their husbands have had a good hunt, three hundred pounds of meat, and throw their children on top of their burden, which seems no more of a load to them than a sword at a soldier's side. They thus travel more than two hundred leagues through the forests. Hennepin, ibid., p. 17, 82 and 123. — The men who inhabit the northern extremity of the American continent are considered to belong to the Mongol species, and the men of this species are generally smaller than others; but it will be seen later that the men of this species who inhabit cold countries are smaller than those who inhabit hot or temperate countries. [^231]: Several travelers have thought that in America the climate had no influence on the stature and strength of men. Ulloa, Philosophical Discourses, volume II, D. XVII, p. 5. — Azara, Travels in South America, volume II, ch. XI, p. 17 and 178. [^232]: Mackenzie, Voyages from Montreal... Through the Continent of North America, volume I, ch. 2, p. 383 and 384. [^233]: Cook, third voyage, book IV, ch. V, volume V, p. 240 and 241. [^234]: La Pérouse, Voyage around the World, volume II, ch. IX, p. 208, 229 and 230. [^235]: Cook, third voyage, book IV, ch. II, volume V, p. 100 and 106. [^236]: Broughton, A Voyage of Discovery, volume I, book I, ch. III, page 93. [^237]: Azara, Travels in South America, volume II, ch. X and XI, p. 105, 149, 182 and 183. [^238]: De Humboldt, Voyage to the Equinoctial Regions, book VII, ch. XIX, volume VI, p. 257 and 258.

One must not confuse the Caribs of whom M. de Humboldt speaks here with the degenerate Zambos of the island of Saint Vincent, who were formerly designated by the same name or by that of Caribs. [^239]: De Humboldt, Voyage to the Equinoctial Regions, volume II, book II, ch. V, p. 360 and 361, and volume VI, book VII, p. 379 and 580. [^240]: De Humboldt, Political Essay, volume I, book II, ch. V, p. 362. [^241]: Ibid., volume IV, book IV, ch. XI, p. 36 and 37. [^242]: Bougainville, Voyage around the World, volume I, first part, ch. IX, p. 196. [^243]: Cook, Voyage around the World, second part, volume V, book III, ch. V. [^244]: Byron, An Account of the Voyages undertaken... for making Discoveries, ch. II, p. 34 et seq. [^245]: Azara, Travels in South America, volume II, ch. X, pages 50 and 51. [^246]: Bougainville, Voyage around the World, volume I, first part, ch. VIII, p. 166. [^247]: What leads me to believe that the peoples who live south of the Plata, as far as the Strait of Magellan, are nomadic, is the very nature of the soil, which does not permit man to have fixed dwellings there. This soil, devoid of trees, is too salty for cultivating cereals. "One can say that from the River Plate to the Strait of Magellan there are no trees, and not even a bush is to be found." Azara, Travels in South America, volume I, book V, p. 103 and 104, and book VI, p. 141.

Assuming that the peoples who inhabit the south of the River Plate are nomadic, as seems proven, one will no longer be surprised by the contradictions into which travelers who have visited the coast of the Patagonians seem to have fallen; the tribes seen by some may not be the same as those seen by others. Bougainville did not doubt that these peoples were nomadic. Voyage around the World, first part, ch. VII, volume I, p. 166. [^248]: Azara, Travels in South America, volume II, ch. X, p. 35, 41, 42, 50 and 51. [^249]: De Humboldt, Voyage to the Equinoctial Regions, volume III, book II, ch. 18, p. 277 and 278. [^250]: Ulloa, Philosophical Discourses, volume II, disc. XVI, p. 5. — Azara, Travels in South America, volume II, ch. XI, pages 17 and 18. [^251]: Fleurieu, Voyage of Captain Marchand, volume I, ch. II, p. 151 and 152. — Cook, second voyage, volume III, ch. IV, p. 179 and 199. [^252]: Krusenstern, Voyage round the World, volume I, ch. VII and IX, p. 164, 180, 203, 204 and 206. — Langsdorff’s Voyages and travels in various parts of the world, volume V, p. 108. — Cook, second voyage, volume III, ch. V, p. 217 and 218.

Cook gives less detailed accounts of the inhabitants of the Marquesas Islands than Captain Marchand; but he makes a similar judgment on the beauty of their constitution; he says that they are the most beautiful race of inhabitants of this sea, and seem to surpass all other nations in the regularity of their stature and their features; he adds, speaking of the young men who were not yet tattooed: "Their beauty was so striking that it excited our admiration; we considered most of them comparable to the famous models of antiquity."Cook gives less detailed accounts of the inhabitants of the Marquesas Islands than Captain Marchand; but he makes a similar judgment on the beauty of their constitution; he says that they are the most beautiful race of inhabitants of this sea, and seem to surpass all other nations in the regularity of their stature and their features; he adds, speaking of the young men who were not yet tattooed: "Their beauty was so striking that it excited our admiration; we placed most of them alongside the famous models of antiquity." [^253]: La Pérouse, Voyage around the World, volume III, ch. XXV, p. 272 and 273. [^254]: La Pérouse, volume III, ch. XXV, p. 234 and 274. [^255]: Ibid., p. 278. [^256]: Bougainville, Voyage around the World, part two, volume II, ch. I, p. 51. [^257]: Cook, first voyage, book I, ch. XVII, volume II, p. 537 and 538; second voyage, volume II, ch. I, p. 82 and 83. [^258]: Cook, second Voyage, volume II, ch. II, p. 163 and 164. — Bligh, Voyage to the South Sea, ch. V, p. 88. [^259]: Bougainville, Voyage around the World, part two, volume II, p. 51. [^260]: Cook, third Voyage, book II, ch. X, volume III, p. 88. [^261]: Labillardière, Voyage in Search of La Pérouse, ch. XII, volume II, p. 176. [^262]: La Pérouse, Voyage around the World, volume III, ch. XXVI, page 303. [^263]: Bougainville, part two, ch. III, volume II, p. 51. — Dentrecasteaux, volume I, ch. XIV, p. 320. — Cook, first Voyage, book I, ch. XVII, volume II, p. 537 and 538. [^264]: La Pérouse, volume IV, p. 25. [^265]: Cook, third Voyage, book V, ch. VII, volume VII, p. 83. [^266]: Broughton, Voyage of Discovery, vol. I, book I, ch. IV, p. 103. [^267]: Wallis, An Account of a Voyage made around the World, ch. IV, volume II, p. 102, from Hawkesworth's collection. [^268]: Rollin, Voyage of La Pérouse, volume IV, p. 19 and 20. — Forster, second Voyage of Cook, vol. II and III, p. 90, 91 and 141. [^269]: Cook, third Voyage, book I, ch. VIII, volume I, p. 319 and 321. [^270]: Cook, first Voyage, book II, ch. X, volume III, p. 311 and 313. — In a fight in the English style, engaged between one of Cook's sailors and a native, the former had the advantage; but this advantage can be attributed as much to skill as to strength. — Cook, second Voyage, volume I, ch. VIII, p. 424 and 425. [^271]: Cook, third Voyage, book I, ch. VI, volume I, p. 198, 234 and 236. — Dentrecasteaux, Voyage in Search of La Pérouse, volume I, ch. II, p. 240. — Péron, Voyage of Discovery to the Southern Lands, volume I, book III, ch. XII, p. 280 and 283. [^272]: Péron, Voyage of Discovery to the Southern Lands, volume I, ch. XIII and XX, p. 280, 281, 286 and 449. [^273]: Ibid., book III, ch. XX, p. 450. [^274]: Cook, first voyage, book II, ch. IV, vol. IV, p. 48 and 49. — L. Freycinet, Voyage of Discovery to the Southern Lands, book II, ch. IX, p. 292. [^275]: Péron, Voyage of Discovery to the Southern Lands, volume I, book III, ch. XX, p. 451. [^276]: Péron, book II, ch. V, p. 81. [^277]: Forrest, cited by Malte-Brun, Summary of Universal Geography, volume IV, book LXVIII, p. 380. [^278]: Cook, second Voyage, volume IV, ch. III, p. 97. [^279]: Dentrecasteaux, Voyage in Search of La Pérouse, volume I, ch. XXV, p. 330. [^280]: Cook, second Voyage, volume IV, chapter III, pages 97 and 128. [^281]: Ibid., ch. VI, p. 346. — Bougainville, Voyage around the World, part two, ch. IV, volume II, p. 90, ch. V, p. 114. — Dentrecasteaux, Voyage in Search of La Pérouse, volume I, ch. XIX, p. 414. — Dampier, A New Voyage Round the World, volume II, ch. XII and XVI, p. 3, 141 and 146. [^282]: Dentrecasteaux, Voyage in Search of La Pérouse, vol. I, ch. XV, p. 330. — Labillardière, volume II, ch. XIII, page 210. — Cook, second Voyage, book III, volume V, ch. I, p. 1, 2 and 4. [^283]: La Pérouse, Voyage around the World, volume III, ch. XX, p. 127 and 128. [^284]: Ibid. ch. XIX, p. 104 and 105. [^285]: La Pérouse, Voyage around the World, volume IV, p. 98 and 99. — Krusenstern, Voyage around the World, volume II, ch. XV, p. 89. [^286]: La Pérouse, volume III, ch. XVIII, XX and XXI, p. 75, 125, 127, 128, 156, and volume IV, p. 90 and 91. [^287]: MacLeod, Voyage of the Alceste, p. 110. — Macartney, Voyage to China and Tartary, volume III, ch. IV, p. 257. [^288]: Chardin, Travels in Persia, volume III, ch. II, p. 403 and 404. [^289]: Travels in Persia, volume VIII, p. 177. [^290]: Fischer and Georgi, cited by Malte-Brun, Summary of Universal Geography, volume III, book LIX, p. 372 and 380. [^291]: Volney, Travels in Syria and Egypt, volume I, ch. XXII, p. 357, 358 and 359. — Niebuhr, Description of Arabia, p. 45. [^292]: Kolbe, Description of the Cape of Good Hope, volume I, ch. IX, p. 333. [^293]: Péron, Voyages of Discovery to the Southern Lands, volume II, book IV, ch. XXXIII, p. 308 and 309. — The judgment that Barrow makes of the Bushmen is the same as that of Péron. Sparrman, volume I, ch. V, p. 63; — Levaillant, second voyage, volume III, p. 165, 166 and 181. [^294]: Sparrman, volume I, ch. V, p. 64 and 65. [^295]: Dampier, A New Voyage Round the World, volume II, ch. XX, p. 215. [^296]: Sparrman, Voyage to the Cape of Good Hope, volume I, ch. V, p. 236 and 238. [^297]: Levaillant, second Travels in the Interior of Africa, volume III, p. 87 and 88. [^298]: Thunberg, Travels in Africa, ch. II, p. 117. — Barrow, A New Voyage into the Southern Part of Africa, volume I, ch. I, p. 142. [^299]: Levaillant, first Travels in the Interior of Africa, volume II, p. 250 and 251. [^300]: Barrow, A New Voyage into the Southern Part of Africa, volume I, ch. I, p. 148.

Barrow, after having said that the Kaffirs have the most beautiful figures he has ever seen, adds that a young man of about twenty years, six feet ten inches (English) tall, had the most beautiful figure that had perhaps ever been created. He was, he says, a perfect Hercules; and a statue made from his model would not have been out of place on the pedestal of that divinity in the Farnese Palace. Ibid. [^301]: Salt, A Voyage to Abyssinia, volume I, ch. I, p. 46, 47, and 48. [^302]: The peoples of these coasts are generally little known: several are a mixture of various species or varieties. See Malte-Brun, Summary of Universal Geography, volume V, book CXIII, p. 94 and 108. [^303]: De Grandpré, volume II, p. 13. [^304]: Natural History of Senegal, p. 21 and 22. [^305]: "The height of the tallest Lapps," says Regnard, "does not exceed three cubits, and I see no figure more apt to provoke laughter. They have a large head, a broad and flat face, a crushed nose, small eyes, a wide mouth, a thick beard that hangs over their chest. All their limbs are proportioned to the smallness of the body: their legs are slender; their arms long, and this whole little machine seems to be moved by a spring... This is the description of this little animal called a Lapp, and one can say that there is none, after the monkey, which more resembles man." Journey to Lapland, volume I, p. 118 and 119, 1823 ed.

One can compare this description of the peoples who live beyond the sixty-fifth degree of north latitude to that of the men who once inhabited the most southern part of Europe, and who served as models for Greek sculptors to make the image of their gods. [^306]: English physiologists have been particularly struck by this. W. Lawrence’s Lectures on physiology, zoology, and the natural history of man, delivered at the royal college of Surgeons, chap. IV, p. 352 and 353. [^307]: Cæs. Bell. gall., lib. I, cap. VIII.

If the descendants of the Gauls were to describe the descendants of the Germans today, they would doubtless praise their courage; but they would not, however, paint such a frightening portrait. Must we think that the ones have degenerated and the others have perfected themselves? Has the climate of Germany become warmer, or has that of France grown colder? It is remarkable that Caesar himself makes an observation about the Gauls analogous to that which the Gauls made about the Germans. "Their advantageous stature," he says, "makes the Gauls despise our smallness" (Ibid. c. VII); from which one could conclude either that the Romans were dwarfs, or that the Germans were giants. [^308]: Cæs, Bell. gall. lib. VI, cap. IV. [^309]: The Spirit of the Laws, book XIV, ch. II. [^310]: "Nowhere," says M. Alexandre de Humboldt, "does one better recognize the admirable order with which the different tribes of plants follow one another in layers, one above the other, than in ascending from the port of Vera Cruz toward the plateau of Perote. There, at every step, one sees a change in the physiognomy of the country, the aspect of the sky, the bearing of the plants, the form of the animals, the customs of the inhabitants, and the types of cultivation to which they devote themselves." Political Essay on New Spain, volume II, book III, ch. VIII, p. 336.

This learned traveler says elsewhere: "These general considerations on the physical division of New Spain offer great political interest. In France, and even in the greater part of Europe, the use of the land and agricultural divisions depend almost entirely on geographical latitude; in the equinoctial regions of Peru, New Granada, and Mexico, the climate, the nature of the products, the aspect, I dare say, the physiognomy of the country, are modified solely by the elevation of the soil above sea level. The influence of geographical position is lost beside the effect of this elevation. Lines of cultivation similar to those that Arthur Young and M. de Candolle have traced on the horizontal projections of France can only be indicated on profiles of New Spain.

"Between the nineteenth and twenty-second degrees of latitude, sugar, cotton, and especially cacao and indigo, grow abundantly only up to an altitude of six or eight hundred meters. European wheat occupies a zone which, on the mountain slopes, generally begins at fourteen hundred and ends at three thousand meters. The banana tree (musa paradisiaca), a beneficent plant that constitutes the principal food of all the inhabitants of the tropics, hardly bears fruit above fifteen hundred and fifty meters. The oaks of Mexico grow only between eight hundred and three thousand one hundred meters. The pines descend toward the coasts of Vera Cruz only to eighteen hundred and fifty meters; but these same pines do not rise, near the limit of perpetual snow, beyond four thousand meters in altitude."

Political Essay on New Spain, volume I, book I, ch. 21, p. 290 and 291.Political Essay on New Spain, volume I, book I, ch. 21, p. 290 and 291. [^311]: "Nature," says Raynal, "had provided for the happiness of the Malays; a mild, healthy climate, refreshed by winds and waters, under the sky of the torrid zone; a land prodigal with delicious fruits, which could suffice for savage man, open to the cultivation of all the productions necessary for society; woods of eternal green; flowers that are born beside dying flowers; a perfumed air; vivid and sweet odors that are exhaled from all the plants of an aromatic land, light the fire of voluptuousness in the beings who breathe life." Philosophical History of the Two Indies, volume I, book I, p. 172. [^312]: Alexandre de Humboldt, Voyage to the Equinoctial Regions, book II, ch. V, volume II, p. 377 and 378; and volume III, book III, ch. IX, p. 259 and 260. [^313]: Robertson’s History of America, book VII. See also the Letters of Carli, the Philosophical Discourses of Ulloa, and the Political Essay on New Spain, book II, chapter V, by M. de Humboldt. [^314]: Political Essay on New Spain, volume II, book III, ch. VIII, p. 142. [^315]: Ibid., p. 268. [^316]: Robertson’s History of America, b. iv, vol. II, pag. 141 and 142. [^317]: Ibid., p. 139, 140 and 141. [^318]: De Humboldt, Views of Nature, volume I, p. 62. [^319]: Depons, A Voyage to the Eastern Part of Terra Firma, volume I, ch. IV, p. 309 and 311. [^320]: "The diversity and multitude of insects forming a cloud that covers these islands make them uninhabitable for anyone not born there. This inconvenience has so far kept the missionaries away." Depons, vol. I, p. 310 and 311. [^321]: Views of Nature, volume I, p. 39 and 40. [^322]: Azara, Travels in South America, volume II, ch. X and XI, p. 56, 57, 173 and 174. [^323]: Depons, A Voyage to the Eastern Part of Terra Firma, volume I, ch. IV, p. 295. — This community of goods, which announces the childhood of civilization, is however contradicted by Robertson, whose testimony could at least balance that of Azara and Depons if the same community had not also been established among the Indians of the North. Robertson’s History of America, vol. II, note 35, p. 396. [^324]: Depons, A Voyage to the Eastern Part of Terra Firma, volume III, ch. XI, p. 318. [^325]: De Humboldt, Political Essay on New Spain, volume II, book III, ch. VIII, p. 409. [^326]: Views of Nature, volume I, p. 62 and 63. [^327]: De Humboldt, Voyage to the Equinoctial Regions, volume III, book III, ch. IX, p, 259 and 260; and volume VI, book VII, ch. XIX, p. 165, 268 and 269. [^328]: Philosophical History of the Two Indies. [^329]: Ulloa, Philosophical Discourses, volume II, Disc. XXI, p. 94. The civilized old Peruvians do not even know how to keep count of their years. Ibid., volume II, p. 33 and 35. — M. de Humboldt observed the same ignorance in Mexico. Political Essay, volume I, book II, ch. vi, p. 393. [^330]: De Humboldt, Political Essay on New Spain, volume I, book II, ch. VI, p. 429. — Depons, A Voyage to the Eastern Part of Terra Firma, volume I, ch. III, p. 263. [^331]: Depons, volume I, ch. IV, p. 340. [^332]: Political Essay on New Spain, volume I, book II, ch. V, p. 357. [^333]: De Humboldt, Voyage to the Equinoctial Regions, volume II, ch. IV. p. 259; and volume VI, book VII, ch. XIX, p. 301. — Views of Nature, volume I, p. 62, 195 and 201. [^334]: "The missionaries take advantage of these occasions to catechize them," says Depons, speaking of the Indians who go to sell fish to the Spaniards; "but if one is to judge by the little success of their morals for more than a century, these Indians persist in the savage life more out of convenience than from ignorance of the advantages that civilized life promises." A Voyage to the Eastern Part of Terra Firma, volume I, ch. IV, pag. 310 and 311. — What advantages indeed, if they are such as M. de Humboldt and Depons himself describe them! [^335]: "In the torrid zone," says M. de Humboldt, "hunting peoples are extremely rare." Voyage to the Equinoctial Regions, book III, ch. IX, volume III, p. 297 and 298. [^336]: Robertson’s History of America, vol. II, p. 396. [^337]: Azara, Travels in South America, volume II, chap. XI, p. 176 and 177. [^338]: Ulloa, Philosophical Discourses, volume II, Disc. XXII, p. 126, and Azara, Travels in South America, volume II, chap. X, page 144. [^339]: De Humboldt, Political Essay on New Spain, volume II, book III, ch. VIII, p. 377 and 378. — Azara, Travels in South America, volume II, ch. X, p. 13, 17, 152 and 163. [^340]: Azara, ibid., p. 52. [^341]: Bougainville, Voyage around the World, first part, ch. VIII, volume I, p. 164, 165 and 166. [^342]: De Humboldt, Political Essay on New Spain, volume II, book III, ch. VIII, p. 377 and 398. — Azara, Travels in South America, volume II, ch. X, p. 12. [^343]: Wallis, An Account of a Voyage made around the World, ch. II, volume II, p. 65 and 66. [^344]: Cook, first Voyage, book I, ch. V, volume II, p. 335. [^345]: Wallis, An Account of a Voyage made around the World, volume II, ch. II, p. 44, 45, 65, 66 and 67. [^346]: Bougainville, Voyage around the World, first part, ch. IX, volume I, p. 196. — Cook, first voyage, book I, chap. III, volume II, p. 321. — Wallis, Voyage around the World, chap. II, volume II, p. 47. [^347]: Cook, first Voyage, book I, chap. V, volume II, p. 341, and second Voyage, ch. V, volume V, p. 205. — Bougainville, Voyage around the World, first part, chap. IX, volume I, page 198. — Wallis, Voyage around the World, chap. II, volume II, pages 65 and 66. [^348]: Ellis, A Voyage to Hudson's Bay, p. 177 and 178. [^349]: Mackenzie, first Voyage into the Interior of North America, ch. IV, volume II, p. 23.

Raynal asserts that the Eskimos spend the winter in huts built of stones bound together by a cement of ice; and that the heat of their blood and their breath, joined with the fire of a lamp, is sufficient to change their huts into hothouses. There, without a doubt, are some well-cemented hothouses. Philosophical History of the Two Indies, volume VIII, book XVII, p. 359. [^350]: Lahontan, Travels in North America, volume I, letter XIII, p. 101. [^351]: Charlevoix, New France, volume II, book IX, p. 158.

See, on the agriculture of the natives of North America, Lahontan, Travels in North America, volume I, p. 100, 117, 161 and 170, and volume II, p. 110 and 153; — Charlevoix, New France, volume I, book IV, p. 230; volume II, book IX, p. 158; book X, p. 252; book XI, p. 355; volume III, book XVI, p. 253 and 295; volume IV, book XX, p. 119; — Weld, Travels in Canada, volume III, ch. XXXIV, p. 32; — Lervis and Clarke, Voyage to the Pacific Ocean, p. 71, 73, 83, 84, 94, 402, 420 and 421; — Hennepin, Description of Louisiana, p. 83, 84, 137 and 138; — Charlevoix, New France, volume III, book XII, p. 22 and 23; volume IV, book XX, p. 192. [^352]: G. Dixon, A Voyage Round the World, volume II, p. 11 and 12. [^353]: La Pérouse, Voyage around the World, volume II, ch. IX, p. 233. — Fleurieu, Voyage of Captain Marchand, volume II, ch. IV, V and VI, p. 4-236. — G. Dixon, A Voyage Round the World, volume II, p. 11 and 24. — Cook, third Voyage, book IV, ch. III; volume v, p. 129 and 161. [^354]: G. Dixon, A Voyage Round the World, volume I, p. 435 and 436. — Vancouver, A Voyage to the Northwest Coast of North America, volume II, p. 24-25. [^355]: A fortification one thousand two hundred and fifty toises long, and parallel to the Missouri River, has been discovered. "The description of this fortification corresponds exactly to that of the numerous ancient fortifications discovered in the western part, which are represented as being generally of an oblong form, and situated in a strong and well-chosen position, while at the same time being contiguous to some river. From the examination that has been made of these works, it has been supposed that they were constructed more than a thousand years ago, or seven hundred years before the discovery of America by Columbus. It appears that they were all erected at the same period throughout the vast extent, or at least in the greater part of the country bounded by the Alleghany mountains to the east, by the Rocky mountains to the west, and which are placed in the most favorable latitudes of North America." Lewis and Clarke, Voyage to the Pacific Ocean, chap. III, pag. 40 and 41.

There exist in South America, as on the Missouri and to the west of the Alleghany mountains, traces of a people more civilized than the current inhabitants, and who had disappeared even before the conquest by the Spaniards. De Humboldt, Voyage to the Equinoctial Regions, book VI, ch. XVII, volume VI, p. 65 and 66.There exist in South America, as on the Missouri and to the west of the Alleghany mountains, traces of a people more civilized than the current inhabitants, and who had disappeared even before the conquest by the Spaniards. De Humboldt, Voyage to the Equinoctial Regions, book VI, ch. XVII, volume VI, p. 65 and 66. [^356]: Volney, A View of the Soil and Climate of the United States. [^357]: La Pérouse, Voyage around the World, volume III, ch. XXV, p. 275 and 277. — Fleurieu, Voyage of Captain Marchand, volume I, ch. II, p. 190. — Bougainville, Voyage around the World, volume II, part two, ch. II, p. 62. — Labillardière, Voyage in Search of La Pérouse, volume II, ch. XII, p. 118 and 144. [^358]: Cook, first Voyage, volume II, book I, ch. XVIII, p. 590. [^359]: The clearing that precedes a plantation, says Cook, speaking of the inhabitants of Tanna, must be a very painful labor, considering the agricultural implements used by the inhabitants, which, though inferior to those of the Society Islands, are made on the same model. Their practice is nevertheless judicious and as expeditious as it can be. They cut the small branches of the large trees, dig the earth under the roots, and they burn the branches, the shrubs, and all the plants they uproot. Cook, second Voyage, volume IV, ch. V, p. 292. This people, located at the nineteenth degree thirty-two minutes of south latitude, belongs to a variety of negroes. [^360]: Krusenstern, Voyage around the World, volume I, ch. IX, p. 204 and 220. — Forster, cited in the second Voyage of Cook, volume III, ch. IV, p. 197 and 200. [^361]: Fleurieu, Voyage of Captain Marchand, volume I, ch. II, page 190. [^362]: La Pérouse, Voyage around the World, volume III, ch. XXIV, p. 235 and 236. [^363]: La Pérouse, ch. XXV, p. 282. [^364]: La Pérouse, Voyage around the World, volume III, ch. XXIV, p. 235 and 236. [^365]: Ibid., volume III, ch. XXV, p. 275 and 281. [^366]: Cook, second Voyage, volume II, p. 45, 46, 47 and 135. [^367]: Bougainville, Voyage around the World, part two, ch. III, volume II, p. 68. — Dentrecasteaux, Voyage in Search of La Pérouse, volume I, ch. XIV, p. 311. [^368]: Cook, third Voyage, book II, ch. X, volume III, p. 79 and 80. [^369]: Cook, first Voyage, book I, ch. XVII, volume II, p. 601, and Bougainville, part two, ch. III, volume II, p. 68. [^370]: Cook, third Voyage, book III, ch. VIII, volume IV, p. 91. — Wallis, Voyage around the World, ch. VIII, volume II, pages 194 and 195. [^371]: Cook, first Voyage, book I, ch. XIX, volume II, p. 603, 604, 611 and 613. [^372]: Dentrecasteaux, Voyage in Search of La Pérouse, volume I, ch. XIV, p. 318. — Labillardière, ch. XII, volume II, p. 149. [^373]: Cook, second Voyage, book II, ch. II, volume II, p. 331, and third Voyage, book II, ch. IV and VIII, p. 139 and 295. [^374]: Dentrecasteaux, Voyage in Search of La Pérouse, volume I, ch. XIV, p. 308. [^375]: Cook, third Voyage, volume VII, book V, ch. V, VI and VII. [^376]: La Pérouse, Voyage around the World, volume II, ch. VI, page 128. [^377]: Cook, third Voyage, volume IV, book III, ch. XI, p. 287, and volume VII, book V, ch. VII, p. 92. [^378]: Cook, second Voyage, volume III, ch. II, p. 159 and 160. [^379]: La Pérouse, volume II, ch. V, p. 116. [^380]: Forster, cited in the second Voyage of Cook, volume III, p. 126 and 127. — La Pérouse, volume II, ch. IV, p. 107. [^381]: La Pérouse, volume II, ch. IV, p. 106. — Cook, second Voyage, volume III, ch. II, p. 136. [^382]: Forster, second voyage of Cook, volume III, ch. II, p. 106. — La Pérouse, volume II, ch. IV, p. 106. [^383]: La Pérouse, volume II, ch. IV, p. 101. [^384]: Cook, second Voyage, volume III, ch. III, p. 147. [^385]: Cook, first Voyage, volume III, book II, ch. III, IV and XI, p. 79, 144 and 340. — Third Voyage, volume I, book I, ch. VIII, page 327. [^386]: Forster, cited in the second Voyage of Cook, volume II, book II, ch. IV, page 445. [^387]: Anderson, third Voyage of Cook, volume I, book I, ch. VIII, p. 331 and 332. [^388]: Forster, cited in the second Voyage of Cook, volume I, ch. VII, p. 424 and 439. [^389]: Cook, third Voyage, volume I, book I, ch. VII, pages 259 and 290. [^390]: Anderson, third Voyage of Cook, volume I, book I, ch. VI, p. 232 and 233. [^391]: Dentrecasteaux, Voyage in Search of La Pérouse, volume I, ch. IV, p. 56. — Cook, third Voyage, volume I, book I, ch. VI, p. 199. — Labillardière, Voyage in Search of La Pérouse, volume I, ch. V, p. 167, and volume II, ch. X and XI, p. 55, 56 and 72. [^392]: Dentrecasteaux, Voyage in Search of La Pérouse, volume I, ch. XI, p. 229. Labillardière, volume II, ch. X, pages 35 and 50. — Péron, Voyage of Discovery to the Southern Lands, volume I, book III, ch. XII, p. 229 and 230. [^393]: Péron, Voyage of Discovery to the Southern Lands, volume I, book III, ch. XX, p. 448. — Dentrecasteaux, Voyage in Search of La Pérouse, volume I, ch. IV, p. 61. [^394]: L. Freycinet, Voyage of Discovery to the Southern Lands, book II, ch. I, p. 44 and 61. — Dentrecasteaux, volume I, ch. IV, p. 93. — Labillardière, volume I, ch. V, p. 184 and 185. [^395]: Péron, volume I, book II, ch. XIII, p. 269. — Dentrecasteaux, volume I, ch. IV, p. 56. — Labillardière, volume I, ch. V, p. 177. — Cook, third Voyage, volume I, book I, ch. VI, p. 200. — Anderson, third Voyage of Cook, book I, ch. VI, volume I, p. 232. [^396]: L. Freycinet, Voyage of Discovery to the Southern Lands, book II, ch. I, p. 43. — Péron, Voyage of Discovery to the Southern Lands, volume I, book III, ch. XX, p. 448. [^397]: Cook, first Voyage, volume IV, book III, ch. VI, p. 145. — Péron, Voyage to the Southern Lands, volume II, book V, ch. XXXVIII, page 372. [^398]: L. Freycinet, Voyage of Discovery to the Southern Lands, book II, ch. IV and V, p. 148 and 162. — Péron, Voyage of Discovery to the Southern Lands, volume II, book IV, ch. XXVII, p. 151. — Dampier, A New Voyage around the World, volume II, ch. XVI, p. 143. — Phillip., Voyage to Botany-Bay, ch. XIV, p. 162. [^399]: White, Voyage to New South Wales, p. 135. [^400]: Péron, Voyage to the Southern Lands, volume II, book IV, ch. XXX, p. 207 and 214. [^401]: Cook, first Voyage, volume III, book III, ch. I, p. 400, and volume IV, ch. VI, p. 159 and 161. — L. Freycinet, Voyage of Discovery, book II, ch. IX, p. 293. [^402]: Dampier, A New Voyage around the World, volume II, ch. XVI, p. 143. [^403]: L. Freycinet, Voyage of Discovery to the Southern Lands, book II, ch. IX, p. 294. [^404]: Péron, Voyage of Discovery to the Southern Lands, volume I, book III, ch. XX, p. 450. [^405]: Labillardière, Voyage in Search of La Pérouse, volume II, ch. XIII, p. 193. [^406]: Cook, second Voyage, volume IV, ch. VIII, p. 434, 447, 451 and 452. — Dentrecasteaux, Voyage in Search of La Pérouse, volume I, ch. VI, p. 356. — Labillardière, volume II, ch. XIII, p. 212. [^407]: Labillardière, volume II, ch. XII, p. 247. [^408]: Cook, second Voyage, volume IV, ch. VI, p. 356. [^409]: Cook, second Voyage, volume IV, ch. V and VI, p. 232, 259, 292 and 336. — Forster, ibid., p. 271. [^410]: Cook, second Voyage, volume IV, ch. III, p. 126. [^411]: Hawkesbury and Abel Tasman, cited by Malte-Brun, volume IV, book LXXVIII, p. 380 and 381. [^412]: The inhabitants of Van Diemen's Land and New Holland do not belong to the Malay species, as I have already observed; but the inferiority of the former cannot be attributed to the difference of species or race; firstly because this inferiority is found in large part among the inhabitants of New Zealand, who are unquestionably of the Malay species; and, secondly, because there exist, between the peoples of Van Diemen's Land and peoples of the same species more advanced toward the equator, very marked intellectual differences. [^413]: See Malte-Brun, Summary of Universal Geography, volume III, book XLVI, p. 5 et seq. [^414]: Raynal, volume III, book V, p. 129 and 130. [^415]: See the Voyage of Pallas. [^416]: Krusenstern, Voyage around the World, volume II, ch. XXI, p. 288 and 290. — La Pérouse, volume III, ch. III, p. 208. [^417]: Broughton, Voyage of Discovery, volume II, book II, ch. VI, page 208. [^418]: La Pérouse, volume III, ch. XXI, p. 150 and 151. [^419]: La Pérouse, volume III, ch. XIX, p. 105 and 106, and volume IV, page 100. [^420]: La Pérouse, volume III, ch. XVII, p. 46. — Broughton, volume II, book II, ch. VII, p. 235 and 241. [^421]: Coxe, Account of the Russian Discoveries between Asia and America, part one, ch. XII and XV, p. 160 to 166. [^422]: La Pérouse, volume III, ch. XIX, p. 115. [^423]: La Pérouse, volume III, ch. XVIII, p. 73 and 78. [^424]: Ibid., ch. XX, p. 126. — Rollin, Voyage of La Pérouse, volume IV, p. 94 and 95. [^425]: La Pérouse, volume III, ch. XVI, p. 73 and 78. [^426]: Broughton, volume I, book I, ch. V, p. 142, 145 and 162. [^427]: Broughton, volume II, book II, ch. II and III. [^428]: The Chinese, even when they have admitted among them Europeans whom they wished to honor, such as ambassadors, have not left them the freedom to visit the country. "We resided in the middle of Peking," says Lord Macartney, "but we were not permitted to walk about there as we pleased; we were, on the contrary, guarded at home as in a kind of prison." Voyage to China and Tartary, volume V, ch. I, p. 226. [^429]: Macartney, volume II, ch. III and IV, p. 234, 270 and 324; and volume IV, ch. I and II, p. 21, 115 and 116. — Barrow, Voyage to China, volume II, p. 227, and volume III, ch. XII, p. 73 and 74. — Raynal, Philosophical History, volume I, book I, p. 193. [^430]: Macartney, volume IV, ch. II, p. 116. [^431]: Barrow, Voyage to China, volume III, ch. XII, p. 69 and 70. [^432]: Voyage to China and Tartary, vol. III, ch. IV, p. 258 and 259. [^433]: Barrow, Voyage to China, volume II, ch. VII, p. 53 and 54. [^434]: Ibid., volume I, ch. IV, p. 297. [^435]: Ibid., volume III, ch. XIII, p. 106. [^436]: MacLeod, Voyage of the Alceste, ch. V, p. 197. — Macartney, volume V, ch. I, p. 222. — Barrow, volume II, ch. VII, p. 18 and 23. [^437]: Macartney, volume III, ch. IV, p. 263. [^438]: Ibid., ch. I, p. 165 and 169. [^439]: Barrow, Voyage to China, volume I, ch. III, p. 154, 155, 172 and 210. — Macartney, volume II, ch. III, p. 229. [^440]: Barrow, Voyage to China, volume I, ch. III, p. 182 and 183. [^441]: Chardin, Travels in Persia, volume III, p. 267 and 268. [^442]: Niebuhr, Travels in Arabia, volume II, p. 137. — Chardin, volume III, p. 269 and 270. [^443]: Chardin, volume IV, ch. XVII, p. 97. [^444]: Niebuhr, volume II, p. 98. — Chardin, volume II, p. 304 and 305. [^445]: Langlès, memoir on Persepolis, inserted in his collection of Voyages. [^446]: Chardin, volume IV, p. 136. [^447]: "In the Orient," says Chardin, "merchants are sacred persons who are never touched; even during war, they and their effects pass freely through the midst of armies. It is especially with regard to them that the security of the roads is so great throughout all of Asia, and particularly in Persia." Volume IV, ch. XIX, p. 159. [^448]: Chardin, volume IV, ch. II, p. 225 and 231. [^449]: If the proverbs of a people are not always proof of their good morals, they are at least proof of their intelligence. Here are some of those that Chardin collected in Persia:

"Ignorance is a nag that makes the one who rides it stumble at every step, and that makes the one who leads it ridiculous.

"He who increases his experiences, increases his science; he who increases his credulity increases his errors.

"Whoever does not teach his child a profession does no differently than if he taught him swindling.

"Hunger is a cloud from which comes a rain of eloquence and science; satiety is a cloud from which comes a rain of ignorance and coarseness; when the belly is empty, the body becomes spirit; but when it is full, the spirit becomes body.

"Never take a house in a neighborhood where the common people are at once ignorant and devout.

"Never have a quarrel with three men at once, for fear that one will become a party and the other two witnesses.

"Fear him who fears you." Chardin, volume V, ch. XII.

"Ignorance is a nag that makes the one who rides it stumble at every step, and that makes the one who leads it ridiculous.

"He who increases his experiences, increases his science; he who increases his credulity increases his errors.

"Whoever does not teach his child a profession does no differently than if he taught him swindling.

"Hunger is a cloud from which comes a rain of eloquence and science; satiety is a cloud from which comes a rain of ignorance and coarseness; when the belly is empty, the body becomes spirit; but when it is full, the spirit becomes body.

"Never take a house in a neighborhood where the common people are at once ignorant and devout.

"Never have a quarrel with three men at once, for fear that one will become a party and the other two witnesses.

"Fear him who fears you." Chardin, volume V, ch. XII. [^450]: Kolbe, Description of the Cape of Good Hope, volume I, ch. VI, p. 58 and 59. [^451]: Sparrman, Voyage to the Cape of Good Hope, volume I, ch. V, p. 263 to 265. — Thunberg, Travels in Africa and Asia, ch. VI, p. 120, 150 and 151. — Kolbe, volume I, ch. XVI, p. 241. — Levaillant, first Travels in the Interior of Africa, volume II, p. 283, 284, 298 and 299; and second Voyage, volume I, p. 128, 129, 199, 229 and 232, and volume III, p. 412 and 413. [^452]: Dampier, volume II, ch. XX, p. 215. — Kolbe, volume I, ch. XIX, p. 289 to 291. — Sparrman, Voyage to the Cape of Good Hope, volume I, ch. V, p. 256 to 258. — Levaillant, first Voyage, volume II, p. 37 and 38. [^453]: Dampier, vol. II, ch. XX, p. 214. — Thunberg, ch. III, p. 108. [^454]: L. Degrandpré, Voyage to the Western Coast of Africa, volume II, p. 186 and 187. — Dampier, volume II, ch. XX, p. 213. Kolbe, volume I, ch. XVI. [^455]: Political and Philosophical History of the Two Indies, volume I, book II, page 393. [^456]: Levaillant, first Voyage, volume II, p. 228, 255 and 256. [^457]: Barrow, A New Voyage into the Southern Part of Africa, volume I, ch. I, p. 144 and 145. [^458]: H. Salt, A Voyage to Abyssinia, volume I, p. 15 and 16. [^459]: Mollien, Travels in the Interior of Africa, volume I, ch. II, p. 103 and 104; ch. III, p. 255 and 256, and ch. IV, p. 287 and 288. [^460]: J. Mathews, A voyage to the river Sierra-Leone, lett. II, III, IV, V and VI. — J. Degrandpré, Voyage to the Western Coast of Africa, ch. I and II. — Mollien, Travels in the Interior of Africa, ch. II and V. [^461]: Egypt has been so often described that one can say nothing of its monuments without repeating what almost everyone knows. However, I cannot help but share here the impression that the sight of the ruins covering the soil of this country produced on a traveler:

"Let no one speak to me of Rome anymore," wrote Norden to Baron Stosch; "let Greece be silent, if she does not wish to be convinced that she has never known anything except by means of Egypt. What venerable architecture! what magnificence! what mechanics! what a nation, in short, that had the courage to undertake such surprising works; they surpass, in truth, the idea one can form of them." Norden, Voyage to Egypt and Nubia, p. 46 of the preface. The entire French army experienced, at the sight of the same ruins, a sentiment similar to that of Norden. Denon, volume II, p. 27."Let no one speak to me of Rome anymore," wrote Norden to Baron Stosch; "let Greece be silent, if she does not wish to be convinced that she has never known anything except by means of Egypt. What venerable architecture! what magnificence! what mechanics! what a nation, in short, that had the courage to undertake such surprising works; they surpass, in truth, the idea one can form of them." Norden, Voyage to Egypt and Nubia, p. 46 of the preface. The entire French army experienced, at the sight of the same ruins, a sentiment similar to that of Norden. Denon, volume II, p. 27. [^462]: In one part of the nation, says M. de Humboldt, intellectual development can make very striking progress, without the situation of the lowest classes becoming any happier. Almost all of northern Europe confirms this sad experience for us; there exist countries in which, despite the vaunted civilization of the upper classes of society, the cultivator still lives today in the same abasement under which he groaned three or four centuries earlier. Political Essay, volume I, book II, chap. VI, page 421. Even when comparing the educated classes among themselves, the superiority remains with the peoples of hot countries. What can all the peoples of the world's cold countries set against the works of Dante, Petrarch, Boccaccio, Tasso, Ariosto, Metastasio, Alfieri, Galileo, Gassendi, Torricelli, Machiavelli, Davila, Bentivoglio, Guicciardini, Raphael, Michelangelo, Canova, and a multitude of other scholars, poets, or artists that Italy alone has produced, even since the invasion of the barbarians? [^463]: China is the country that has principally served as the basis for Montesquieu's system; but China does not have a very hot climate; it enjoys, on the contrary, a very mild temperature. "All that this eloquent and ingenious writer says of China, and principally what relates to the climate, is absolutely inaccurate, and the consequences he draws from it are false... China enjoys a temperate climate from one end of the empire to the other." Barrow, Voyage to China, volume I, ch. IV, p. 249 and 250.

Since China enjoys a temperate climate, the Chinese ought to be, according to Montesquieu's system, the most inconstant and changeable people in the world. [^464]: Raynal shared Montesquieu's opinion on climates, and Rousseau's on the moral effects of civilization. "As societies grow and endure," he says, "corruption spreads; offenses, especially those that arise from the nature of the climate whose influence never ceases, multiply, and punishments fall into disuse, unless the code is placed under the sanction of the gods." Hist. philosoph., volume I, book I, p. 88.

There, in five lines, are four errors, each of which, if it were fully adopted, would suffice to plunge or to keep a people forever in barbarism. [^465]: "Religions have always been cruel in arid countries, subject to floods, to volcanoes; and they have always been gentle in countries that nature has treated well. All bear the imprint of the climate where they were born." Raynal, Hist. philos., volume II, book III, p. 36. [^466]: Here is how an abbé and physicist, Giraud Soulavie, explains the revolutions that, at various times, have occurred among men: "Basalts and amygdaloids increase the electrical charge of the atmosphere, and influence the morale of the inhabitants, by making them fickle, revolutionary, and inclined to abandon the religion of their fathers." De Humboldt, Political Essay on New Spain, volume II, book V, ch. XII, p. 496.

"I could cite," says another writer, speaking of the softening of morals, "the atrocities that sullied the Revolution and which led to the belief that Paris was not that much-praised populace; these atrocities were only carried out by wretches unfamiliar with café society." Robin, Voyage to Louisiana, volume I, ch. VIII, p. 137."I could cite," says another writer, speaking of the softening of customs, "the atrocities that sullied the Revolution and which led to the belief that Paris was not that much-praised populace; these atrocities were only carried out by wretches unfamiliar with café society." Robin, Voyage to Louisiana, vol. I, ch. VIII, p. 137. [^467]: Such is the general aspect under which the peoples of America presented themselves when the Europeans discovered them; but differences in position have produced several exceptions to this general division of peoples. Even among the most civilized nations, the parts of the population that live on the seashores, on gulfs, or on the banks of rivers, draw a considerable part of their subsistence from fishing. The same has been true of the American tribes, in whatever latitude they were situated; the easier the fishing or the more abundant its products, the less the peoples have felt disposed to adopt any other kind of industry. The difficulty or impossibility of cultivating the soil has sometimes joined with the ease of hunting or fishing to arrest the progress of a people. [^468]: Robertson observes that a tribe composed of two or three hundred individuals living on the products of the hunt requires a territory as extensive as some of the kingdoms of Europe. History of America, b. iv, vol. II, p. 128 and 129. [^469]: Ellis, A Voyage to Hudson's Bay, p. 181. [^470]: Charlevoix, New France, vol. II, book VIII, p. 97. [^471]: Mackenzie, first Voyage, vol. II, ch. V, p. 59. [^472]: Lewis and Clarke, Voyage to the Pacific Ocean, ch. V, p. 84 and 85. — Hennepin, Description of Louisiana, p. 121. [^473]: Hearne, A Journey to the Northern Ocean, ch. II, IV, and IX, p. 12, 13, 23, 64, 65, 66 and 307. — Weld, Travels in Canada, vol. III, ch. IV, p. 49. — Hennepin, Customs of the Savages of Louisiana, pages 14 and 15. [^474]: Charlevoix, New France, vol. I, book I, p. 51. — De Humboldt, New Spain, vol. III, book IV, ch. IX, p. 32 and 46. [^475]: Lahontan, Travels in North America, vol. II, p. 145. — Hearne, ch. IV, p. 66. — Volney, A View of the Climate and Soil of the United States, vol. II, p. 445 and 446. — La Pérouse, vol. IV, p. 59. [^476]: Charlevoix, New France, vol. II, book VIII, p. 115. — Mackenzie, second Voyage, vol. I, p. 298, and vol. III, ch. IX, p. 126. — Hearne, ch. IX, p. 305. [^477]: Ellis, A Voyage to Hudson's Bay, p. 250 and 251. — Mackenzie, first Voyage, vol. II, ch. VII, p. 148 and 149. — Hearne, ch. II, VI, VII and IX, p. 32, 33, 151, 152, 186, 302 and 303. — Hennepin, p. 296 and 297. [^478]: Hearne, ch. IV, p. 42. [^479]: Hearne, ch. VI and VIII, p. 153 and 268. — La Pérouse, vol. IV, p. 6 and 62. — Fleurieu, Voyage of Captain Marchand, vol. II, ch. IV, p. 83 and 84. — Azara, vol. II, ch. X, p. 15, 54 and 63. — Bougainville, first part, ch. VIII, vol. I, p. 166. [^480]: Lahontan, vol. II, p. 110. — Weld, vol. III, ch. XXXV, p. 115. — Hearne, ch. IX, p. 321. — Hennepin, Customs of the Savages of Louisiana, p. 53. [^481]: Charlevoix, New France, vol. III, p. 266 and 267. — Robertson’s History of America, vol. II, b. IV, pages 134 and 135. [^482]: Robertson, vol. II, b. IV, p. 132 and 133. — Azara, vol. II, ch. X, p. 62. [^483]: Robertson observes that the government of the natives of North America has for its object foreign affairs much more than domestic affairs; and his opinion is founded on the testimony of almost all the travelers who have lived among these peoples. However, since the hunts and fisheries are conducted in common, since the land is also cultivated in common and its products are deposited in public storehouses, was not some authority necessary to make the distribution or division, either of the game or of the maize? But perhaps the meals are also taken in common. [^484]: Raynal, vol. VII, book XIII, p. 25. [^485]: Azara, vol. II, ch. X, p. 15 and 62. [^486]: Hearne, ch. V and VIII, p. 116, 154 and 165. [^487]: Volney, A View of the Climate and Soil of the United States, vol. II, page 451. [^488]: Cook, third Voyage, vol. V, book IV, ch. I, p. 45. [^489]: Hennepin, p. 205 and 206. — Lewis and Clarke, ch. XVII, page 283. [^490]: Hearne, ch. V, p. 97, 98, 99, 100, 101 and 104. — Mackenzie, second Voyage, vol. II, ch. II, p. 195 and 196. — Men who have so little respect for the property of their compatriots must have even less for that which belongs to strangers; thus they generally show themselves very disposed and very skillful in seizing everything that tempts them. "We had already experienced," says La Pérouse, speaking of those on the northwest coast, "that the Indians were great thieves; but we did not suppose them to have an activity and an obstinacy capable of executing the longest and most difficult projects: we soon learned to know them better. They spent every night spying for the most favorable moment to rob us; but we kept good watch.... Soon, they forced me to remove the establishment I had on the island: they landed there at night from the open sea; they crossed a very thick wood into which it was impossible for us to penetrate by day; and, slithering on their bellies like snakes, without moving almost a leaf, they managed, despite our sentinels, to steal some of our effects: finally, they had the skill to enter at night the tent where Messrs. Lauriston and Darbaud were sleeping, who were on guard at the observatory; they took away a silver-mounted rifle as well as the clothes of these two officers, which they had placed for precaution under their head: a guard of twelve men did not see them, and the two officers were not awakened." Vol. II, ch. VII, p. 177, 178 and 179. — See Cook, third Voyage, book IV, ch. I and II; vol. V, p. 40 and 122. — Hennepin, p. 91. [^491]: Charlevoix, New France, vol. IV, book XIX, p. 7. — Weld, vol. III, ch. XXXV, p. 109. — Lahontan, vol. II, p. 102. — J. Long, ch. IX, p. 149. — La Pérouse, vol. II, ch. IX, p. 216 and 217. [^492]: Weld, vol. II, ch. XXX, p. 248 and 249. [^493]: J. Long, ch. IX, p. 147. — Weld, vol. III, ch. XXXV, p. 109 — Michaux, Travels to the West of the Alleghany Mountains, ch. XVII, p. 175 and 176. — J. F. D. Smith, vol. I, ch. XLIII, p. 173 and 174. [^494]: Volney, A View of the Climate and Soil of the United States, vol. II, p. 158 and 159. — Weld, vol. II, ch. XIX, p. 248 and 249. [^495]: Ulloa, Philosophical Discourses, vol. II, disc. XVIII, p. 28. [^496]: A chief of the savages of Canada, having become drunk, met another against whom he had borne a feeling of vengeance for twenty-two years. Seeing himself alone, he took advantage of the opportunity and killed him. The next day the whole family, in arms, demanded his death. He came to Fort Miami, says Volney, to find Captain Marshal, the commander, from whom I have the fact, and said to him:

"That they want to kill me, that is just; my heart betrayed my secret: the liquor made me mad, but to kill my son as they threaten, that is not just. Father, see if this can be arranged. I will give them all I possess: two horses, my gold and silver jewels, my finest weapons; except for one pair. If they will not accept, let them name a day and place; I will go there alone and they will kill me." A View of the Climate and Soil of the United States, vol. II, p. 458 and 459. — See Charlevoix, New France, vol. III, book XV, p. 180 and 181. — J. Long, ch. VII, VIII, X and XI, p. 97, 99, 111, 125, 163 and 197. — Ellis, p. 242. — J. F. D. Smith, vol. I, ch. XXIV, p. 93 and 94. — Weld, vol. III, ch. XXXV, p. 116. — Dampier, vol. I, ch. I, p. 14. — Ulloa, Philosophical Discourses, disc. XVII, p. 15, 16, 17 and 19. — Robertson’s, History of America, vol. II, b. IV, p. 152, and note 38, p. 398. [^497]: Lahontan, vol. II, p. 102. — Charlevoix, N.F., vol. IV, book XIX, p. 7. —Michaux, ch. XVII, p. 175 and 176. — Stedman, vol. II, ch. XIV, p. 92 and 93. — Depons, vol. III, ch. X, p. 112 and 113. — Ulloa, vol. II, p. 19. — Raynal, vol. V, book X, p. 256. — Cook, third Voyage, vol. V, book IV, ch. II, p. 119. [^498]: Charlevoix, New France, vol. I, book V, p. 285; vol. II, book VIII, p. 81 and 82. — Hennepin, p. 227. — J. Long, ch. X, p. 184 and 185. — J. F. D. Smith, vol. I, ch. XXXIV, p. 173 and 174. — Robin, vol. II, ch. LIV, p. 370. [^499]: Hearne, ch. IX, p. 286, 287 and 288. [^500]: Weld, vol. III, ch. XXXV, p. 117. — Lahontan, vol. II, page 117. [^501]: Hearne, ch. IX, p. 287. [^502]: La Pérouse, vol. II, ch. IX, p. 218. [^503]: Charlevoix, N. F., vol. I, book II, p. 82 and 83; vol. III, book XIII, p. 16. [^504]: Hearne, ch. IX, p. 286. [^505]: Hearne, p. 316 and 317, and ch. III, p. 49. [^506]: Lahontan, vol. II, p. 102. — Hennepin, p. 35 and 51. — De Humboldt, Political Essay, vol. I, book II, ch. VI, p. 414. — Azara, vol. II, ch. X, p. 60. [^507]: Hearne, ch. IX, p. 312. — Weld, vol. III, ch. XXXV, p. 137. — De Humboldt, New Spain, vol. I, book II, ch. VI, p. 414. [^508]: Mackenzie, First Voyage, vol. I, p. 252. [^509]: Hearne, ch. IV, p. 85. — Raynal, vol. V, book X, p. 253. [^510]: Ellis, p. 244 and 245. [^511]: Hearne, ch. IX, p. 291, 292 and 293. — Mackenzie, vol. I, p. 289 and 290. [^512]: Lahontan, vol. II, pages 138 and 139. — Hearne, ch. IV, p. 86 and 87. [^513]: Mackenzie, second Voyage, vol. II, ch. I, p. 161 and 162. [^514]: J. Long, ch. XIII, p. 248. — Hennepin, p. 38. [^515]: Hearne, ch. IX, p. 289. — Mackenzie, vol. I, p. 289. [^516]: Hearne, ch. V, p. 99, 121, 122 and 123. — Mackenzie, vol. I, p. 289. — Lahontan, vol. II, p. 143. — Weld, vol. III, ch. XXXII and XXXIV, p. 21 and 61. — Lewis and Clarke, ch. VI, p. 108, and ch. XVIII, p. 299. — Fleurieu, Voyage of Captain Marchand, vol. II, ch. V, p. 173 and 198. — Hennepin, p. 34, 35 and 36. — Azara, vol. II, ch. X, p. 60. [^517]: Hearne, ch. IV and V, p. 83, 88, 117, 118 and 122. — Mackenzie, second Voyage, vol. II, p. 204, and vol. III, p. 268. — Charlevoix, N.F., vol. II, book VIII, p. 115. — J. Long, ch. X, p. 180. — Hennepin, p. 37 and 38. — Depons, vol. I, ch. IV, p. 304 and 305. [^518]: Mackenzie, second Voyage, vol. III, ch. XII, p. 268. — Charlevoix, vol. I, book I, p. 43, and book III, p. 194. — Hennepin, page 33. [^519]: La Pérouse, vol. II, ch. XI, p. 303, and vol. IV, p. 61. — Dauxion-Lavaysse, vol. I, ch. VI, p. 344. [^520]: Hearne, ch. V, p. 192. — Lahontan, vol. II, p. 141. — Hennepin, p. 37 and 38. [^521]: Hearne, p. 122 and 123. [^522]: Lahontan, vol. II, p. 130 and 131. — Azara, vol. II, ch. X; p. 60. — Raynal, vol. VIII, book XV, p. 36 and 37. [^523]: Hearne, ch. V, p. 104. — Mackenzie, first Voy., vol. I, p. 289. [^524]: Mackenzie, vol. I, p. 282. — Hearne, ch. V, p. 121. — Depons, vol. I, ch. IV, p. 305 and 306. — Charlevoix, N.F., vol. I, book III, p. 194. — La Pérouse, vol. II, ch. XI, p. 307. [^525]: "I never witnessed one of these combats," says Hearne, "without being deeply moved to see the object of the quarrel waiting, in mournful silence, for what fate would decide for her, while her husband disputed her with his rival. To the pity I felt for the poor victim was joined the most vivid indignation, when I saw her pass into the hands of a man she perhaps mortally hated. The reluctance these unfortunate women then feel to follow their new husbands sometimes goes so far that the latter resort to violence against them. I have seen several of these unfortunate women stripped completely naked, and brought by force to their new lodging." Ch. V, p. 100 and 101. — This custom of wrestling for the ownership of women takes place among all the tribes of the North. Ibid., p. 99. [^526]: Hearne, ch. IV, p. 83. [^527]: J. F. D. Smith, vol. I, ch. XIV, p. 97. — Volney, A View, etc., vol. II, p. 451. — Larochefoucault, vol. I, p. 266 and 267. — Hennepin, p. 36. — Dampier, vol. I, ch. I, p. 14. [^528]: Hearne, ch. III, IV and V, p. 52, 84, 99 and 118. — Mackenzie, first Voyage, vol. I, p. 241 and 242, and second Voyage, vol. II, ch. II, p. 200 and 201. — Hennepin, p. 36. — Robin, vol. II, ch. IV, p. 372 and 373. — J. Long, ch. XIII, p. 250 and 251. [^529]: Mackenzie, second Voyage, vol. II, ch. II, p. 200 and 201. — Dauxion-Lavaisse, vol. I, ch. VI, p. 127, 330 and 331. [^530]: Weld, vol. III, ch. XXXV, p. 133 and 138. — Azara, vol. II, ch. X, p. 17. [^531]: Hearne, ch. IV, p. 86. — Hennepin, p. 18. [^532]: Hearne, ch. V, p. 107. [^533]: J. Long, ch. XIII, p. 250. — Hearne, ch. VIII, p. 246. — Mackenzie, first Voyage, vol. I, p. 282. [^534]: Hearne, ch. X, p. 347. [^535]: Mackenzie, first Voyage, vol. I, p. 282 and 283; second Voyage, vol. II, p. 199 and 200. — Hearne, ch. IX, p. 289. [^536]: J. Long, ch. X, p. 177. [^537]: La Pérouse, vol. II, book VIII, p. 205 and 206. — Fleurieu, Voyage of Captain Marchand, vol. II, ch. IV, p. 94. [^538]: Charlevoix, N.Fr., vol. I, book III, p. 194 and 195, and vol. II, book VIII, p. 99. — Hennepin, p. 38. [^539]: Lahontan, vol. II, p. 139. — La Pérouse, vol. II, p. 303, and vol. IV, p. 61. — Azara, vol. II, ch. X, p. 60. In Guiana husbands are very jealous; they instantly kill unfaithful wives. Stedman, vol. II, ch. XIV, p. 92. — Hennepin, p. 296 and 297. [^540]: Hearne, ch. IX, p. 389. [^541]: Hearne, ch. V, p. 122. [^542]: Mackenzie, first Voyage, vol. I, p. 289. — Hearne, ch. IX, p. 290 and 291. — J. F. D. Smith, vol. I, ch. XXIV, p. 95. — Lahontan, vol. II, p. 135. Hennepin, p. 34. — Depons, vol. I, ch. IV, p. 305. [^543]: Hennepin, p. 35 and 36. [^544]: Weld, vol. III, ch. II, p. 62. — Mackenzie, first Voyage, vol. I, p. 241 and 242. [^545]: Mackenzie, first Voyage, vol. I, p. 241 and 242. — Raynal, vol. IV, book VII, p. 116. — Azara, vol. II, ch. II, p. 93, 94, 115, 146, 152 and 156. [^546]: Hearne, ch. IV, p. 83. [^547]: Hearne, ch. IX, p. 312. — However miserable the state of women may be, they have much influence over the minds of their husbands; their ascendancy is null only with regard to their own condition. — Mackenzie, first Voyage, vol. I, p. 289; and second Voyage, vol. II, ch. II, p. 200 and 201. [^548]: Lahontan, vol. II, p. 132 and 137. [^549]: Weld, vol. II, ch. XXII, p. 53. [^550]: Lahontan, vol. II, p. 132. [^551]: Weld, vol. III, ch. XXXIV, p. 61. [^552]: Hearne, ch. V, p. 118 and 119. [^553]: Fleurieu, Voyage of Captain Marchand, vol. II, ch. IV, p. 96 and 97. — La Pérouse, vol. II, ch. IX, p. 228. [^554]: Mackenzie, second Voyage, vol. II, ch. II, p. 199 and 200. [^555]: Hearne, ch. IX, p. 290 and 291. [^556]: Mackenzie, first Voyage, vol. I, p. 241 and 242. [^557]: Mackenzie, second Voyage, vol. III, ch. XII, p. 268. — Lewis and Clarke, ch. XVIII, p. 299. — Charlevoix, N.F., vol. III, book XIII, p. 23. — Hennepin, p. 34 and 35. — Azara, vol. II, ch. XV, page 293. [^558]: Charlevoix, N.Fr., vol. II, book VIII, page 118, and book IX, p. 228. — George-Dixon, vol. II, p. 12 and 13. [^559]: Mackenzie, annoyed by the savages' dogs near the river to which he gave his name, killed one with a pistol shot. "The woman to whom the dog belonged," he says, "seemed very upset by it, and declared that the loss of five children, who had died the previous winter, had not affected her as much as that of this animal... A few glass beads were enough to dispel her grief." First Voyage, vol. II, ch. VI, p. 87. [^560]: Hearne, ch. IV, p. 86 and 87. [^561]: Weld, vol. III, ch. XXXV, p. 89. [^562]: A View of the Climate and Soil of the United States, vol. II, p. 452. — La Pérouse, vol. II, ch. IX, p. 219. — Ulloa, vol. II, disc. XVII, p. 9. — Depons, vol. I, ch. IV, p. 306. [^563]: Hennepin, p. 33 and 34. [^564]: La Pérouse, vol. II, ch. XI, p. 305. [^565]: Hearne, ch. IX, p. 321. [^566]: Ellis, p. 245. — Volney, A View of the Climate and Soil of the United States, vol. II, p. 444 and 445. [^567]: Robertson’s History of America, vol. II, b. IV, p. 219. — Mackenzie, first Voyage, vol. I, p. 301 and 302, and second Voyage, vol. II, ch. II, p. 188, and vol. III, ch. IX, p. 95. — Hearne, ch. VII, p. 190 and 191. [^568]: Hearne, ch. IX, p. 317. — Mackenzie, second Voyage, vol. II, ch. II, p. 188. [^569]: Lahontan, vol. II, p. 110. — Weld, vol. III, ch. XXXV, page 115. [^570]: Weld, vol. III, ch. XXXV, p. 115. — La Pérouse, vol. II, ch. XI, p. 305. — Hennepin, p. 52, 53 and 56. — Depons, vol. I, ch. IV, p. 306 and 307. — Azara, vol. II, ch. X, p. 23. — The only individual for whom a savage of America has a true affection is the friend he has chosen. The sentiment of friendship sometimes has great energy among these peoples. Hearne, ch. V, p. 121 and 122. — Volney, A View of the Climate and Soil of the United States, vol. II, page 452. [^571]: Robertson’s History of America, vol. II, note XXXV, p. 396. [^572]: Weld, vol. II, ch. XXX, p. 248 and 249. — Volney, vol. II, p. 158 and 159. — Ulloa, vol. II, disc. XVIII, p. 28. [^573]: Hearne, ch. VIII, p. 248. — Mackenzie, first Voyage, vol. I, p. 291; vol. II, ch. V, p. 59; second Voyage, vol. II, ch. VII, p. 406. — Charlevoix, N.Fr., vol. III, book XIV, p. 85. — Lewis and Clarke, ch. III, p. 59. — G. Dixon, vol. I, p. 512 and 513, and vol. II, p. 8. — Vancouver, vol. IV, book IV, ch. VI, p. 18 and 39, and vol. V, book V, ch. X, p. 236. [^574]: Hearne, ch. VI, p. 144 and 145. — Mackenzie, first Voyage, vol. I, p. 291. — Charlevoix N.F., vol. II, book VII, p. 3 and 4. — Lahontan, vol. II, p. 181 and 182. — Hennepin, p. 63. [^575]: Hearne, ch. V, p. 108 and 110. — Lahontan, vol. II, p. 85. — Hennepin, p. 304. The savages see more honor in destroying their enemy by surprise than in destroying him by attacking him with open force: such was also the view of the Spartans: "In Sparta," says Plutarch, "the captain who, by cunning or by amiable means, has done what he wanted, sacrifices an ox to the gods: and he who has done it by battle and force of arms sacrifices a rooster." Life of Marcellus. [^576]: Mackenzie, first Voyage, vol. I, p. 158, 159 and 180. — Charlevoix, N.F., vol. I, book VI, p. 377 and 378, and vol. II, book VI and VIII, p. 19, 29, 43, 62 and 107. — Hennepin, p. 7. [^577]: Hennepin, p. 53. [^578]: Hennepin, p. 68. — Raynal, vol. VIII, book XVI, p. 296. [^579]: Lahontan, vol. II, p. 184 and 185. [^580]: Hennepin. p. 41. — Charlevoix, New France. [^581]: Vancouver, vol. IV, book IV, ch. VI, p. 28 and 39, and vol. V, book V, ch. X, p. 236. — G. Dixon, vol. I, p. 512 and 513, and vol. II, p. 8. — Mackenzie, second Voyage, vol. II, ch. V, p. 310. — Lewis and Clarke, ch. XIV, p. 242. — Robin, vol. II, ch. II, p. 305, [^582]: Hearne, ch. II, p. 22. — Lahontan, vol. II, p. 145. — Volney, vol. II, p. 446 and 447. [^583]: Hennepin, p. 14 and 15. [^584]: Charlevoix, N.F., vol. III, book XIII, p. 16 and 17. [^585]: Montesquieu, who made jealousy the prerogative of hot climates, makes drunkenness the prerogative of cold climates. This latter passion is a consequence of barbarism or a lack of intellectual development, and not a consequence of the coolness of the climate: it exists in almost all nations whose intelligence is little developed. The natives of the Floridas, those of Guiana and of some other parts of South America, are hardly less addicted to it than the natives of Canada. Charlevoix, N.F., vol. III, book XIII, p. 16 and 17. — Dampier, vol. I, ch. I, p. 14. — Ulloa, vol. II, disc. XVII, p. 15, 16, 17, 45 and 46. — Dauxion-Lavaysse, vol. I, ch. VI, p. 338 and 339.There exist, on the other hand, in the highest parts of North America, some tribes who have little taste for strong liquors. Hearne, ch. IX, p. 288. — Mackenzie, first Voyage, vol. I, p. 292. — Drunkenness is very common in Persia, despite religion and the influence of climate, as can be seen in Chardin. However, it is true to say that peoples of cold climates are more inclined to this passion than those of hot climates; but this is even more because of their barbarism than because of the cold. [^586]: Hearne, ch. II, p. 24. [^587]: Hearne, ch. IV and V, p. 72, 73 and 111. [^588]: Weld, vol. III, ch. XXXV, p. 118. [^589]: Hearne, ch. II, p. 24. [^590]: Mackenzie, first Voyage, vol. I, p. 291 and 300. [^591]: J. Long, ch. VII, p. 101. — Weld, vol. III, ch, XXXV, p. 140. — Raynal, vol. VIII, book XV, p. 18. [^592]: La Pérouse, vol. II, ch. IX, p. 216 and 217. [^593]: De Humboldt, New Spain, vol. II, book III, ch. VIII, p. 419. [^594]: Weld, vol. II, ch. XXX, p. 247. — Lewis and Clarke, ch. III, p. 59. — Fleurieu, Voyage of Captain Marchand, vol. II, ch. IV and V, p. 46, 170 and 172. — Ulloa, vol. II, disc. XVII, p. 15. [^595]: Fleurieu, Voyage of Captain Marchand, vol. II, ch. IV, p. 88. — G. Dixon, vol. II, p. 12 and 13. [^596]: La Pérouse, vol. II, ch. IX, p. 221. — Hennepin, pages 53, 54 and 55. [^597]: Weld, vol. III, ch. XXXV, p. 143 and 144. — La Pérouse, vol. II, ch. IX, p. 221. — Fleurieu, Voyage of Captain Marchand, vol. II, ch. IV and V, p. 94 and 144. — Cook, third Voyage, vol. V, book IV, ch. III, p. 132 and 133. [^598]: Mackenzie, second Voyage, vol. II, ch. II, p. 205. — Charlevoix, N.F., vol. III, p. 261 and 318. — Raynal, vol. VIII, book XV, p. 49. — G. Dixon, vol. II, p. 25. — La Pérouse, vol. II, ch. IX, p. 216, 217 and 235. — Fleurieu, Voyage of Captain Marchand, vol. II, ch. V, p. 177. — Robertson’s History of America, b. IV, vol. II, p. 213, 214. [^599]: Fleurieu, Voyage of Captain Marchand, vol. II, ch. IV, p. 88 and 89. — La Pérouse, vol. IV, p. 74 and 75. — G. Dixon, vol. II, p. 12 and 13. — Raynal, who often forgets the facts he has just reported when it comes to praising men of nature, says, speaking of children: "As they are taught only what they ought to know, they are the happiest children on earth." Vol. VIII, book XV, p. 43. Elsewhere he says that they are taught to drink the blood of their enemies and to devour their palpitating flesh, which is doubtless better than teaching them to read; but he forgets all the calamities inseparable from the savage life; one would say that the only misfortune is to go to school, and that hunger, cold, filth, diseases, and abandonment are nothing; it is not even anything to be buried alive, for according to him, this is the fate reserved for any child who loses his parents and is not strong enough to hunt. Vol. IV, book VII, p. 9 and 10. He paints a picture of all the vices that stain the life of the savage man; then he says that there are no bad fathers in the forests, and that they are all in the cities. All that is missing is to say as much for husbands, after having painted a picture of the state of women. [^600]: Hearne, ch. ix, p. 312 and 313. — Fleurieu, Voyage of Captain Marchand, vol. I, ch. v, p. 168. — Raynal, vol. VIII, book xvii, p. 361 and 362. — La Pérouse, vol. IV, p. 65, 66 and 73. [^601]: Hearne, ch. iv, p. 66. [^602]: Ellis, p. 241 and 242. — Lahontan, vol. II, p. 144 and 154. Mackenzie, first Voyage, vol. 1, p. 236. — La Pérouse, vol. IV, p. 63. — Lewis and Clarke, ch. XXI, p. 345. — Volney. [^603]: Raynal, vol. VIII, book xvii, p. 361 and 362. — Lewis and Clarke, ch. xx, p. 341. — La Pérouse, vol. IV, p. 64 and 65. [^604]: La Pérouse, vol. IV, p. 63 and 64. — Charlevoix, N.F., vol. I, book VI, p. 379. — Lahontan, vol. II, p. 154. — Hearne, ch. IX, p. 312. [^605]: Charlevoix, N.F., vol. I, book V, p. 296; vol. II, book IX, p. 221 and 222; vol. III, book XVIII, p. 394, 413 and 414. — Weld, vol. III, ch. XXXIV, p. 63. [^606]: Mackenzie, first Voyage, vol. I, p. 33-36. [^607]: Charlevoix, N.F., vol. I, book IV, p. 230. — Lahontan, vol. II, p. 102. — Hennepin, p. 14 and 51. — Azara, vol. II, ch. X, p. 14 and 60. — De Humboldt, Political Essay, vol. I, book II, ch. VI, p. 414. [^608]: Hearne, ch. IX, p. 308 and 309. [^609]: Lahontan, vol. II, p. 96, 97 and 151. — Volney, A View of the Climate and Soil of the United States, vol. II, p. 452. [^610]: Lahontan, vol. II, p. 195. [^611]: Charlevoix, N.F., vol. I, book IV and VI, passim. — Hennepin, J. Long, etc. [^612]: Vol. VIII, book XV, p. 52 and 53. [^613]: Hennepin, p. 62. — Charlevoix, N.F., vol. I, book III, p. 199, and vol. II, book VII, p. 73 and 74. — Lahontan, vol. II, p. 98. — Weld, vol. III, ch. XXXIII and XXXV, p. 14 and 81. — Robertson’s, History of America, vol. II, b. IV, p. 237. — These savages, without renouncing their pride, have nevertheless ended up recognizing the superiority of the whites. J. Long, ch. VIII, p. 133. [^614]: De Paw, Philosophical Researches on the Americans, vol. I, third part, p. 354 and 355. [^615]: Hennepin, p. 38 and 39. — Lahontan, vol. II, p. 93, 98 and 131. — Volney, vol. II, p. 493. — Weld, vol. III, p. 115 and 116. — Raynal, vol. VIII, book XV, p. 29. [^616]: Admirers of the state of nature rarely speak of morality without indulging in some declamation on the vices of civilized peoples. Vices undoubtedly exist among civilized nations; but these vices are not the fruit of civilization; they have almost all been brought from the state of barbarism, of which they are unfortunate remnants. The passion for vengeance and that of pity can be found among all the peoples of the world; but it is curious to follow the course these two passions have taken from the most barbarous times to our own: for this, it is enough to compare the fate of prisoners of war at the principal epochs. "When they are near their villages," says Hennepin, speaking of the savage warriors of America, "they let out great cries by which those of their nation know that their warriors are returning with slaves. At the same time, the men and women put on their finest attire, and go to receive them at the entrance of the village, where they form a line to make the slaves pass through the middle; but it is a pitiful reception for these unfortunates; for this rabble throws itself upon them like dogs on their prey, beginning then to torment them, while the warriors pass in file, all proud of their exploits. Some kick these poor slaves, others strike them with sticks, many with knives, some tear off their ears, cut off their noses or their lips, so that most of them succumb and die at this pompous entry; those who have more vigor are reserved for a greater torment." Customs of the Savages of Louisiana, p. 64 and 65.

Among the Romans, whose customs were a little less barbarous than those of the Iroquois, prisoners of war followed the victor's chariot through an insulting multitude; but they were neither torn apart nor put to death; it was enough to have their chiefs perish by the axe or in dungeons; the others were sold as slaves.

Among the moderns, prisoners of war are treated differently. We saw, in 1814, after a war of more than thirty years, troops of prisoners cross Paris, in the most miserable state, at the moment when that city was about to be taken. The multitude did not insult them; it brought them bread.

If we were to trace the history of the other vicious passions, of perfidy, laziness, intemperance, even gambling, we would find that they have lost their empire at least as much as vengeance. [^617]: Robertson’s History of America, book IV, note 35, vol. II, p. 395 and 396. [^618]: Robertson’s History of America, vol. II, b. IV, p. 139. [^619]: Robertson’s History of America, vol. III, b. IV, p. 287 and 288. [^620]: Robertson, vol. III, b. VII, p. 283. [^621]: Ibid., vol. II, b. VII, p. 339. [^622]: Robertson, ibid., p. 338. [^623]: Robertson, vol. II, b. IV, p. 145. [^624]: Robertson, vol. III, b. VII, p. 341. [^625]: A woman, for example, is obliged to carry the burden with which her husband is pleased to charge her; but she is often obliged to carry, in addition, the burden of the individual who is even stronger than her husband. [^626]: This denomination would lead one to suspect either that the Incas did not belong to a race of conquerors, or that at the time of the conquest, they were already very civilized. Conquerors and their descendants, in fact, glorify themselves for the triumphs they have obtained over men: they boast of having massacred armies, burned cities, enslaved nations; but it is only very civilized men, I could even say scholars or philosophers, who glorify themselves for the triumphs they obtain over things, in favor of humanity.

The honors rendered to agriculture by the Incas of Peru are analogous to the honors that the emperor of China renders to this art. [^627]: Robertson, vol. III, b. VII, p. 336, 341 and 342. [^628]: Robertson, vol. III, b. VII, p. 295 and 323. [^629]: Charlevoix, vol. I, book I, p. 42. [^630]: Robertson, vol. III, b. VII, p. 337. [^631]: Charlevoix, N.F., vol. II, book XI, p. 354, and vol. III, book XIII, p. 49, 50 and 51. — Hennepin, pages 39 and 40. — Cook, third Voyage, vol. V, book IV, ch. I, p. 39. — La Pérouse, vol. II, ch. IX, p. 240 and 241. [^632]: Robertson, vol. III, b. VII, p. 326. [^633]: Robertson, vol. III, b. VII, p. 334. — Robertson attributes the gentleness of the customs and government of the Peruvians to the gentleness of their religion (vol. III, b. VII, p. 336); and it is to the ferocity of the Mexican religion that he attributes the harshness of the customs and government of the people of Mexico. But what were the causes that had produced a gentle religion in the first of these peoples and an atrocious religion in the second? If Robertson had undertaken this research, perhaps he would have found that the same causes that had determined the nature of the two religions had also determined the nature of the customs and governments of the two peoples. [^634]: Azara, vol. II, ch. X and XI, p. 20 and 173. — De Humboldt, Voyage to the Equinoctial Regions, vol. VI, book VI, chap. XVIII, p. 218 and 219. — Hennepin, Customs of the Savages, p. 68 and 69. [^635]: De Humboldt, Voyage to the Equinoctial Regions, vol. III, ch. IX, p. 297 and 298. [^636]: Azara, vol. II, ch. X, p. 22 and 23. [^637]: Ibid., p. 92. [^638]: Azara, vol. II, ch. X, p. 160. [^639]: De Humboldt, Voyage to the Equinoctial Regions, vol. III, book III, ch. IX, p. 296. — Azara, vol. II, ch. X, p. 13 and 14. — Ulloa says that in general the Indians of Peru, civilized or savage, are very inhuman; that those who are civilized do not indulge their inclination because the government prevents them; but that they are seen to do things with regard to animals that leave no doubt as to their natural barbarity. (Vol. II, d. XVII, p. 10 and 11). But it is difficult to reconcile what he says here with what he said elsewhere when speaking of the same peoples:

"They have," he says, "for all domestic animals, but especially for their llamas, a kind of affection that is seen among no other people on earth; all their outward demonstrations manifest it sufficiently... Before having put it to service," he adds, speaking of the llama, "they have generally treated it with such moderation that never, or rarely, thereafter, do they treat it harshly on the road; on the contrary, they subject themselves absolutely to its pace, and use a whistle to guide it." Vol. I, disc. VII, p. 160.

The Guaraoüns who live at the mouths of the Orinoco are less indolent than the other savages of South America, passionate about dancing, cheerful, sociable, and hospitable. They are skilled fishermen. They have dogs which they use to catch fish in the shallows. They continually caress these animals and treat them with kindness. Dauxion-Lavaysse, vol. I, ch. I, p. 3 and 4.The Guaraoüns who live at the mouths of the Orinoco, are less indolent than the other savages of South America, passionate about dancing, cheerful, sociable, and hospitable. They are skilled fishermen. They have dogs which they use to catch fish in the shallows. They continually caress these animals and treat them with kindness. Dauxion-Lavaysse, vol. I, ch. I, p. 3 and 4. [^640]: Ulloa, vol. II, disc. XVII, p. 41. — The Europeans proved to be more tractable when they were stripped of their communal liberties. [^641]: De Humboldt, Political Essay, vol. I, book II, chap. VI, page 422. [^642]: Hearne, ch. IX, p. 320. [^643]: La Pérouse, vol. II, ch. IX, p. 219. [^644]: Bougainville, Voyage around the World, second part, ch. II, vol. II, p. 5. — Dentrecasteaux, Voyage in Search of La Pérouse, vol. I, ch. XIV, p. 320. — Cook, first Voyage, book I, ch. XVII, vol. II, p. 537 and 538. [^645]: Cook, third Voyage, book II, ch. X, p. 61 and 62. [^646]: Ibid. ch. IV, vol. II, p. 131, and second Voyage, vol. III, ch. VIII, p. 388. [^647]: Cook, third Voyage, book II, ch. XI, vol. III, p. 154. [^648]: Bougainville, Voyage around the World, second part, ch. III, vol. II, p. 69. — Cook, second Voyage, book II, ch. III, vol. II, p. 413, and third Voyage, book II, ch. XI, vol. III, pages 141 and 142. [^649]: Cook, first Voyage, book I, ch. XIX, vol. II, p. 360. [^650]: Dentrecasteaux, Voyage in Search of La Pérouse, vol. I, ch. XIV, p. 303. — Labillardière, vol. II, ch. XII, p. 164 and 165. [^651]: Cook, third Voyage, book II, ch. XI, vol. III, p. 152. [^652]: Bougainville, Voyage around the World, second part, ch. III, vol. II, p. 56. [^653]: Cook, third Voyage, book III, ch. II, vol. III, p. 229. [^654]: Cook, third Voyage, book III, ch. IX, vol. IV, p. 166. Sons, to succeed to the authority and lands of their fathers, need to receive investiture from the chief or king. Cook, third Voyage, book II, ch. XI, vol. III, p. 30. [^655]: Labillardière, vol. II, ch. XII, p. 126, 127 and 163. — Cook, third Voyage, book II, ch. XI, vol. III, p. 148. [^656]: Cook, third Voyage, book II, ch. VIII, vol. II, p. 320 and 321. [^657]: Cook, third Voyage, book II, ch. XI, vol. III, p. 143, and book III, ch. VII, vol. IV, p. 68 and 69. — Dentrecasteaux, Voyage in Search of La Pérouse, vol. I, ch. IV, p. 303 and 309. [^658]: Cook, first Voyage, book II, ch. I, vol. III, p. 30, third Voyage, book II, ch. VI, vol. II, p. 197 and 198. [^659]: Cook, first Voyage, book I, ch. XVII, vol. II, p. 562. [^660]: Bougainville, Voyage around the World, second part, ch. II, vol. II, p. 58. — La Pérouse, Voyage around the World, ch. XII, vol. II, p. 151. — Dentrecasteaux, Voyage in Search of La Pérouse, vol. I, ch. XIV, p. 309, 310 and 315. — Cook, third Voyage, book II, ch. XI, vol. III, p. 130. [^661]: Cook, third Voyage, book II, ch. VIII, vol. II, p. 314; book II, ch. IX, vol. III, p. 19, and book III, ch. IX, vol. IV, p. 165 and 166. [^662]: Cook, third Voyage, book I, ch. XI, vol. III, p. 143. [^663]: Cook, first Voyage, book I, ch. XIX, vol. II, pages 628, 629 and 630. [^664]: Bougainville, Voyage around the World, second part, ch. III, vol. II, p. 70. [^665]: Bougainville, Voyage around the World, 2nd part, ch. III, vol. II, p. 70. [^666]: Cook, first Voyage, book I, ch. XIX, vol. II, p. 629 and 630. [^667]: Cook, third Voyage, book II, ch. XI, vol. III, p. 132 and 133. [^668]: Bougainville, Voyage around the World, second part, ch. III, vol. II, p. 69. — Cook, third Voyage, book III, ch. XI, vol. IV, p. 231 and 232. [^669]: King, third Voyage of Cook, book V, ch. VIII, vol. VII, page 152. [^670]: Bougainville, Voyage around the World, second part, ch. III, vol. II, p. 69. — Cook, second Voyage, vol. II, book I, ch. IV, p. 277. — Sometimes it is the chief who orders the sacrifice, who chooses the victim himself. Cook, third Voyage, book III, ch. II, vol. III, page 249. [^671]: Cook, third Voyage, book III, ch. II, vol. III, p. 234, 240 and 257. [^672]: Cook, third Voyage, book II, ch. XI, vol. III, p. 139 and 141, and book III, ch. II, vol. III, p. 256. [^673]: The priests, to whom the faculty of choosing the victims gives terrible power over the enslaved men, persuade the kings that they cannot renounce human sacrifices without facing the greatest danger. "We asked," says Cook, "the reason for these barbarous murders. They simply answered us that they were necessary for the Natche (God), and that the divinity would surely exterminate the king if the custom were not followed." Third Voyage, book II, ch. IX, vol. III, p. 32.

To dominate the people's minds more surely, these priests have in their temple a kind of chest that the same traveler compares to the ark of the Jews. "When we asked Tupia's servant its name, he told us it was called Ewharee-no-Eatua, the house of God." First Voyage, book II, chap. I, vol. III, pages 7 and 8. [^674]: The English write taboo. [^675]: Cook, third Voyage, book II, ch. IX, vol. III, p. 6. [^676]: Ibid., p. 46 and 47. [^677]: Anderson, third Voyage of Cook, book II, ch. IX, vol. IV, pages 165 and 166. [^678]: Anderson, ibid., p. 170. — Cook, third Voyage, book III, ch. IX, vol. IV, p. 134. [^679]: Cook, third Voyage, book II, ch. XI, vol. III, p. 151, and book III, ch. IX, vol. IV, p. 130. — The priests have found a way to subject the kings themselves to the taboo. Vancouver, A Voyage to the Northwest Coast of North America, book V, ch. I, vol. IV, p. 169 and 170. [^680]: Cook, first Voyage, book I, ch. XVII, vol. II, p. 170 and 172. — Forster, second Voyage of Cook, vol. III, chap. X, pages 433 and 442. [^681]: Anderson, third Voyage of Cook, book III, ch. IX, vol. IV, p. 135 and 137. — Forster, second Voyage of Cook, vol. III, ch. III, p. 433 et seq. [^682]: Cook, third Voyage, book II, ch. VI, vol. IV, p. 30 and 31. [^683]: King, third Voyage of Cook, book V, ch. VII, vol. VII, p. 101 and 102. [^684]: Cook, first Voyage, book I, ch. XIX, vol. II, p. 629 and 630. [^685]: Bougainville, Voyage around the World, second part, ch. III, vol. II, p. 70. — Labillardière, Voyage in Search of La Pérouse, vol. II, ch. XII, p. 115. — Cook, third Voyage, book II, vol. III, p. 123 and 124, and book V, ch. VII, vol. VII, page 111. [^686]: Cook, first Voyage, book I, ch. XVII, vol. II, p. 515. [^687]: Cook, Ibid., p. 541. [^688]: Dentrecasteaux, Voyage in Search of La Pérouse, vol. I, ch. XIV, p. 320. [^689]: Cook, first Voyage, book I, ch. XIX, vol. II, p. 630. — Anderson, third Voyage of Cook, book II, ch. IX, vol. IV, p. 165. — Cook, third Voyage, book III, ch. VI, vol. IV, p. 31. [^690]: Cook, third Voyage, book V, ch. VIII, vol. VII, p. 136. — Rollin, Voyage of La Pérouse, vol. IV, p. 26. [^691]: King, third Voyage of Cook, ch. V, vol. VII, book V, page 152. [^692]: De Larochefoucault-Liancourt, Travels in the United States of America, first part, vol. III, p. 22. [^693]: Cook, third Voyage, book II, ch. XI, vol. III, p. 151. [^694]: This may explain how Captain Marchand saw in the Marquesas Islands only tall and strong men, as are all those of the upper classes, while other navigators have seen a great number who belonged to the enslaved class. Voyage cited by M. de Larochefoucault-Liancourt, vol. III, first part, p. 22. [^695]: Cook, first Voyage, book I, ch. XVII, vol. II, pages 569 and 570. [^696]: Bougainville, Voyage around the World, second part, ch. I, vol. II, p. 21 and 22. — La Pérouse, Voyage around the World, vol. II, ch. IV, p. 105 and 106. — Cook, third Voyage, book III, ch. IX, vol. IV, p. 134. — Wallis, Voyage around the World, vol. II, ch. VI, page 184. [^697]: La Pérouse, Voyage around the World, vol. II, chap. IV, p. 105 and 106. — Fleurieu, Voyage of Captain Marchand, vol. I, ch. II, p. 172; ch. III, p. 237, and vol. II, ch. VII, p. 285. — Krusenstern, Voyage around the World, vol. I, ch. VII, p. 160. [^698]: Bougainville, Voyage around the World, second part, ch. III, vol. II, p. 58. — Labillardière, Voyage in Search of La Pérouse, vol. II, ch. XII, p. 151. — Dentrecasteaux, Voyage in Search of La Pérouse, vol. I, ch. XIV, pages 309, 310 and 315. — Cook, third Voyage, book II, ch. XI, vol. III, p. 130. [^699]: Bougainville, Voyage around the World, second part, ch. III, vol. II, p. 70. — Cook, first Voyage, book I, ch. XVII, vol. II, p. 564; third Voyage, book III, ch. IX, vol. IV, p. 133, and book V, ch. VII, vol. VII, p. 113 and 114. — Krusenstern, Voyage around the World, vol. I, ch. IX, p. 216 and 217. [^700]: Bougainville, Voyage around the World, second part, ch. II, vol. II, p. 58. [^701]: Ibid., p. 70. [^702]: Anderson, third Voyage of Cook, book III, ch. IX, vol. IV, p. 139 et seq. [^703]: Cook, third Voyage, book II, ch. XI, vol. III, p. 131. [^704]: La Pérouse, Voyage around the World, vol. III, ch. XXV, p. 274. [^705]: Labillardière, Voyage in Search of La Pérouse, vol. II, ch. XII, p. 172. — Cook, third Voyage, book II, ch. XI, vol. III, p. 131. — Bougainville, Voyage around the World, second part, ch. I, vol. II, p. 21 and 22. [^706]: Anderson, third Voyage of Cook, book II, chapter IX, vol. IV, p. 170. [^707]: Dentrecasteaux, Voyage in Search of La Pérouse, vol. I, ch. XIV, p. 308. — Labillardière, Voyage in Search of La Pérouse, vol. I, ch. VII, p. 251 and 252, and vol. II, ch. XII, p. 99, 111 and 112. — Cook, first Voyage, book I, ch. XI, vol. II, p. 340 and 434, and third Voyage, book II, ch. IV, vol. II, p. 133. [^708]: Labillardière, Voyage in Search of La Pérouse, vol. II, ch. XII, p. 96. — Cook, third Voyage, book V, ch. I, vol. VI, p. 272. — G. Dixon, A Voyage Round the World, vol. I, page 327. [^709]: King, third Voyage of Cook, book V, ch. VIII, vol. VII, pages 143 and 144. [^710]: Cook, third Voyage, book II, ch. VI, vol. II, p. 221, and book II, ch. XII, vol. IV, p. 321. [^711]: Labillardière, Voyage in Search of La Pérouse, vol. II, ch. XI, p. 115 and 136. — Bougainville, Voyage around the World, second part, ch. III, vol. II, p. 54 and 55. [^712]: Labillardière, Voyage in Search of La Pérouse, vol. I, ch. VII, p. 261. [^713]: Cook, third Voyage, vol. II, book II, chap. VI and VIII, p. 201, 305, 316 and 317; book III, ch. IX, vol. IV, p. 162 and 163. — Dentrecasteaux, Voyage in Search of La Pérouse, vol. I, ch. XIV, p. 307 and 309. — Labillardière, Voyage in Search of La Pérouse, vol. II, ch. XII, p. 172. — G. Dixon, A Voyage Round the World, vol. I, p. 280 and 281. [^714]: La Pérouse, Voyage around the World, vol. II, ch. IV, p. 94 and 105. — Labillardière, Voyage in Search of La Pérouse, vol. II, ch. XI, p. 155 and 157. — Fleurieu, Voyage of Captain Marchand, vol. I, ch. I, p. 49. — Krusenstern, Voyage around the World, vol. I, ch. IX, p. 223. — Cook, first Voyage, book I, ch. X, vol. II, p. 404 and 405; second Voyage, vol. III, ch. II and IV, p. 87 and 202; third Voyage, book II, ch. IV and X, p. 97 and 155. — Broughton, A Voyage of Discovery, vol. I, book I, ch. IV, p. 114. [^715]: King, third Voyage of Cook, book V, chap. I, vol. VI, page 274. [^716]: Labillardière, Voyage in Search of La Pérouse, vol. II, ch. XII, p. 141, 142, 143 and 155. [^717]: Anderson, third Voyage of Cook, book III, ch. IX, vol. IV, p. 335. [^718]: Could this not be the secret of most of the wars that have torn Europe apart? [^719]: Bougainville, Voyage around the World, second part, ch. III, vol. II, page 55. — Cook, third Voyage, book III, ch. III and IX; vol. III, page 287, and vol. IV, p. 116. [^720]: Anderson, third Voyage of Cook, book III, ch. XVIII. — King, Ibid, book V, ch. VII, vol. VII, p. 95. — Krusenstern, Voyage around the World, vol. I, ch. IX, p. 246. [^721]: Cook, Voyage around the World, book II, ch. V, vol. II, p. 486. [^722]: Cook, third Voyage, book II, ch. II, vol. III, p. 287. — King, third Voyage of Cook, book V, ch. VII, vol. VII, page 97. [^723]: G. Bligh, Voyage to the South Sea, ch. V, p. 97 and 98. — Vancouver, A Voyage to the Northwest Coast of North America, vol. III, book II, ch. VII, pages 197 and 123. — Broughton, A Voyage of Discovery, vol. I, book I, ch. II and IV, p. 58, 59, 60, 62 and 104. [^724]: Cook, second Voyage, vol. III, ch. X, p. 494 and 495; third Voyage, book III, ch. VI and VII, vol. IV, p. 32, 81 and 82. — Broughton, A Voyage of Discovery, book I, ch. II, vol. I, p. 53.

"I believe," says Cook, "that the conquest of these islands procured for Pouni (the king) no other advantages than a means of rewarding his nobles, who, in effect, seized the best part of the lands." When a king, son of a former conqueror, is dispossessed by a new conqueror, he persists in retaining the title that the conquest once gave to his ancestors. Cook, first Voyage, book I, ch. XIX, vol. II, p. 631. [^725]: Cook, second Voyage, vol. III, ch. VII, p. 300. [^726]: Cook, first Voyage, book I, ch. XV, vol. II, p. 492. [^727]: If a manufacturing or commercial class were ever to be established in these archipelagos, these wars would become less frequent, because the landed aristocracy could levy, on this part of the population, sufficient taxes to enrich or at least to support its younger sons. One would then have a social order analogous to that which exists in England. [^728]: Krusenstern, Voyage around the World, vol. I, ch. IX, p. 240 and 243. [^729]: Fleurieu, Voyage of Captain Marchand, vol. I, chap. II, page 199. [^730]: Krusenstern, Voyage around the World, vol. I, ch. IX, p. 240. — Forster, cited in the second Voyage of Cook, vol. III, ch. IV, p. 199. [^731]: Cook, first Voyage, book I, ch. VIII, vol. II, p. 581 and 382. — Anderson, third Voyage of Cook, book III, chap. IX, vol. IV, p. 116 and 117. [^732]: Bougainville, Voyage around the World, second part, ch. II, vol. II, p. 24 and 31. [^733]: Cook, third Voyage, book II, ch. X, vol. III, p. 95 and 96. — Forster, cited in the second Voyage of Cook, vol. IV, ch. II, p. 34. — Vancouver, A Voyage to the Northwest Coast of North America, book III, ch. VII, vol. III, p. 110, 111 and 112. [^734]: La Pérouse, Voyage around the World, vol. II, ch. VI, p. 130, 131 and 132. — Rollin, Voyage of La Pérouse, vol. IV, p. 25. [^735]: Ibid., vol. II, ch. II, p. 88 and 89. [^736]: Cook, first Voyage, book II, ch. VII and X, vol. III, p. 234, 236 and 237; second Voyage, book II, ch. III and V, p. 234, 235 and 490.

In Easter Island and New Zealand, neither distinctions of rank, nor masters, nor servants, nor a conquered race, nor a conquering race have been observed. The most complete anarchy appeared to reign on Easter Island; yet the lands there are divided into private properties. Cook, second Voyage, vol. III, ch. II and III, p. 109 and 149. — La Pérouse, Voyage around the World, vol. II, ch. V, p. 116, and vol. IV, p. 120. In New Zealand, the authority of any individual does not appear to extend beyond his family. If the need for common defense obliges a village to choose a chief, the one who shows the most courage and prudence is chosen. Anderson, third Voyage of Cook, book I, ch. III, vol. I, p. 335.In Easter Island and New Zealand, neither distinctions of rank, nor masters, nor servants, nor a conquered race, nor a conquering race have been observed. The most complete anarchy appeared to reign on Easter Island; yet the lands there are divided into private properties. Cook, second Voyage, volume III, ch. II and III, p. 109 and 149. — La Pérouse, volume II, ch. V, p. 116, and volume IV, p. 120. In New Zealand, the authority of any individual does not appear to extend beyond his family. If the need for common defense obliges a village to choose a chief, the one who shows the most courage and prudence is chosen. Anderson, third Voyage of Cook, book I, ch. III, volume I, p. 335. [^737]: La Pérouse, volume II, ch. VI, p. 134 and 135. [^738]: La Pérouse had taken with him on his voyages the ideas given by J.-J. Rousseau on the innocence of savage life and on the vices engendered by the social state. He says accordingly that the Malays should not be taken for savages; that they have, on the contrary, made very great progress in civilization, and that he believes them to be as corrupt as they can be relative to the circumstances in which they find themselves. But as he advanced in his voyages, experience corrected this error; he ended up convincing himself, through fatal experiences, as will be seen later, that the closer men are to the savage state, the more their vices are multiplied. Dentrecasteaux, who set out with the same error, corrected it in the same manner. [^739]: La Pérouse, volume II, ch. IV, p. 105. [^740]: La Pérouse, volume III, ch. XIV, p. 279. [^741]: Wallis, Voyage around the World, volume II, chapter V, pages 130 and 133. [^742]: Broughton, Voyage of Discovery, volume I, book I, ch. II, page 56. [^743]: Anderson, third Voyage of Cook, book I, ch. VIII, volume I, page 334. [^744]: Cook, second Voyage, volume I, ch. VIII, p. 445 and 446. [^745]: Cook, first Voyage, book II, ch. IV, volume III, pages 152 and 156. [^746]: Ibid., ch. VII, volume III, p. 231. [^747]: Third Voyage, book I, ch. VII, volume I, p. 257. [^748]: Dentrecasteaux, volume I, ch. XII, p. 272. — Labillardière, volume II, ch. XII, p. 86. — Cook, first Voyage, book II, ch. VII and XI, volume III, p. 322, 328 and 349, and second Voyage, volume I, ch. VII, p. 397, and book II, ch. V, volume II, p. 485. — Forster, ibid., p. 488; third Voyage, book I, ch. VII, volume I, p. 283 and 284.

One may be astonished that these peoples showed a very good character to the English travelers; but this phenomenon is easy to explain when one knows their hypocrisy:

They were inspired with terror by firearms, they were given signs of friendship, and their confidence was finally won.

Cook, first Voyage, book II, volume III. [^749]: Cook, third Voyage, book I, ch. VII, volume I, p. 289. [^750]: Forster, cited in the second Voyage of Cook, volume I, ch. VIII, p. 418 and 419; and Cook, ibid., p. 454. [^751]: Forster, cited in the second Voyage of Cook, book II, ch. V, volume II, p. 483 and 484. — "The inhabitants of New Zealand," says Cook, "seem to make less of women than the islanders of the South Sea, and such was the opinion of Tuipa, one of these islanders, who complained of it as an affront to the sex." First Voyage, book II, ch. XI, volume III, p. 353. [^752]: Cook, third Voyage, book I, ch. VII, volume I, p. 289. [^753]: Cook, third Voyage, book I, ch. VII, volume I, pages 282 and 283. — There exists between the inhabitants of New Zealand and those of the Society Islands a difference that deserves to be observed. The former have no aristocratic class among them, and consequently the women are not raised for the pleasures of the great; thus, sentiments of modesty have been observed in them that have not been noticed in the others. Cook, first Voyage, book II, ch. X, volume III, p. 328 and 329. [^754]: La Pérouse, volume II, ch. IV, p. 94, 95, 105, 107 and 108. [^755]: Labillardière, volume II, ch. XII, p. 146, 175 and 176. — Cook, third Voyage, book II, ch. XI, volume III, p. 132 and 133. — Vancouver, book III, ch. VII, volume III, p. 110, 10 and 112. [^756]: Bougainville, second part, ch. II, volume II, page 58. — Cook, third Voyage, book II, ch. XI, vol. III, p. 108, 110 and 111. [^757]: Cook, third Voyage, book III, ch. XII, volume IV, p. 288. — King, third Voyage of Cook, book V, ch. VII, volume VII, p. 90. [^758]: Bougainville, second part, ch. II, volume II, page 53. — Fleurieu, Voyage of Captain Marchand, volume I, ch. II, p. 179. — King, third Voyage of Cook, book V, chapter VII, volume VII, page 113. [^759]: La Pérouse, volume III, ch. XXIV, p. 237 and 238. [^760]: Ibid. [^761]: Cook, second Voyage, volume III, ch. IV, p. 174.

La Pérouse forbade shooting at thieves, and to prevent quarrels he paid his sailors the value of what was taken from them; thus he found the islanders more audacious. [^762]: Fleurieu, Voyage of Captain Marchand, volume I, ch. I, p. 73. [^763]: Krusenstern, volume I, ch. IX, p. 240. — The irresistible penchant that these islanders have for theft is, however, a subject of fear for all travelers. [^764]: Krusenstern, volume I, ch. IX, p. 242. [^765]: Ibid., p. 242 and 243. [^766]: Fleurieu, Voyage of Captain Marchand, volume I, ch. II, page 196. [^767]: Fleurieu, Voyage of Captain Marchand, vol. I, ch. II, p. 206. [^768]: Labillardière, volume I, ch. VII, p. 261. [^769]: Dentrecasteaux, volume I, ch. XI, p. 235 and 236. — Labillardière, volume II, ch. X, p. 55. [^770]: Cook, second Voyage, volume I, p. 386 and 387. — Péron, volume I, book II, ch. XI, p. 269 — Labillardière, volume I, chap. V, p. 184 and 185. — L. Freycinet, book II, ch. I, p. 43. [^771]: Péron, volume I, book III, ch. XII, p. 252, 253, 255 and 256. [^772]: Dentrecasteaux, volume I, ch. XI, p. 236 and 237. — Labillardière, volume II, ch. X, p. 52, 53 and 54. — Péron, volume I, book III, ch. XII, p. 255 and 256. [^773]: Péron, volume I, book III, ch. XI, p. 254 and 255. [^774]: Ibid., ch. XIII, p. 280. [^775]: Péron, volume I, book III, ch. XI, p. 282. [^776]: Dentrecasteaux, volume I, ch. XI, page 235. — Labillardière, volume II, ch. X, p. 56. [^777]: Cook, third Voyage, book I, ch. VI, volume I, p. 212. — The women of the Society Islands and the Friendly Islands, who appeared so prodigal with their favors, when the customs of the peoples of Europe were explained to them, admired them, and thereby proved how little influence their will has on their conduct. [^778]: Péron, volume I, book III, ch. XX, sect. IV, p. 454. [^779]: Péron, volume I, book III, ch. XIII, p. 236, 237, 244 and 285. — L. Freycinet, book II, p. 43 and 61. [^780]: Ibid., p. 238. — Dentrecasteaux, who had seen these peoples only for a moment and whose imagination was filled with the ideas of J.-J. Rousseau on the perfection of the man of nature, at first made a very favorable judgment of them; he expresses himself regarding them with the enthusiasm of the author of the discourse on the origin of inequality among men. But as his opinion is not proven by any fact, as it is contradicted, on the contrary, by the very facts he cites, and as a cruel and long experience later obliged him to retract it, I have deemed it useless to report it here. [^781]: Péron, volume I, book III, ch. XX, p. 450. [^782]: Ibid., p. 454 and 455. [^783]: Phillip, ch. XIV, p. 161. [^784]: L. Freycinet, book II, ch. IX, p. 292 and 293. [^785]: These notches often exist up to a height of eighty feet, and are made with a stone axe. Collins, cited by Malthus, volume I, ch. III, p. 39 and 40 of the fifth edition. [^786]: Péron, volume I, book III, ch. XX, p. 463. English convicts have sometimes taken refuge in the forests among the savages, to escape the labors to which they are condemned; but famine has always forced them to return to their chains. The fatigues and privations of savage life appeared to exceed the fatigues and privations to which the condemned are subjected. Phillip, ch. XII, p. 140 and 141. — Broughton, volume I, book I, ch. I, page 24. [^787]: Péron, volume II, book IV, ch. XXIII, p. 50. — Freycinet, book II, ch. IX, p. 292 and 293. — Phillip, ch. XIV, p. 161. — Broughton, volume I, book I, ch. I, p. 26. — Dampier, volume II, ch. XVI, p. 142. [^788]: Collins, cited by Malthus, volume I, ch. III. [^789]: Phillip, ch. IX, p. 95. [^790]: Freycinet, book II, ch. IX, p. 293. [^791]: Phillip, ch. XIV, p. 164. [^792]: Péron, volume I, book II, ch. V, p. 89. — Labillardière, volume I, ch. IX, p. 415. — Cook, first Voyage, book III, ch. IV, volume IV, p. 46 and 47. — Phillip, ch. VII, p. 69. — Broughton, volume I, book I, ch. I, p. 23. [^793]: Cook, first Voyage, book III, ch. VI, volume IV, p. 141. — Phillip, ch. XIV, p. 165. [^794]: Labillardière, volume II, ch. XIII, p. 212. [^795]: Dentrecasteaux, volume I, ch. XVI, p. 350. [^796]: Labillardière, volume II, ch. XIII, p. 247. — Dentrecasteaux, volume I, ch. XVI, p. 349. [^797]: Forster, cited in the second Voyage of Cook, volume IV, ch. VIII, p. 479 and 492. — Labillardière, volume II, ch. XII, p. 226 and 227. [^798]: Forster, second Voyage of Cook, volume IV, ch. VIII, p. 479. [^799]: Dentrecasteaux, volume I, ch. XVI, p. 251 and 252. [^800]: Labillardière, volume II, ch. XIII, p. 232. — Dentrecasteaux, ch. XV and XVI, p. 341 and 355. [^801]: Dentrecasteaux, volume I, ch. XV and XVI, p. 341 and 355. — Labillardière, Voyage in Search of La Pérouse, volume II, ch. XIII, p. 197, 215, 216, 217 and 233. [^802]: Cook, second Voyage, volume IV, ch. VIII, p. 439. — Forster, ibid., p. 484 and 485. [^803]: Labillardière, volume II, ch. XI, p. 184. [^804]: Dentrecasteaux, volume I, ch. XVI, p. 355. [^805]: Dentrecasteaux, volume I, ch. XV, page 340. — Labillardière, volume II, ch. XIII, p. 205, 206, 209 and 214. — The negroes of Guinea have the habit of eating a kind of unctuous earth that they mix with their food and which dissolves like butter. (J. Mathews, lett. II and IV, p. 23 and 38.) The habit of eating earth makes their need for it so great that they cannot do without it in the colonies of America; but the kind they eat on that continent is always fatal to them. Alexandre de Humboldt, Views of Nature, volume I, p. 202 and 203. [^806]: Labillardière, volume II, ch. XIII, p. 197. [^807]: Ibid., p. 191 and 217. — Dentrecasteaux, ch. XV, p. 133 and 139. [^808]: Cook, second Voyage, volume IV, ch. IV, p. 163 and 164. — Forster, ibid., p. 369. [^809]: Cook, second Voyage, volume IV, ch. V, p. 249. [^810]: Ibid., ch. IV, p. 193, and ch. V, p. 210 and 211. [^811]: Forster, cited in the second Voyage of Cook, volume IV, ch. V, p. 237 and 286. — Cook, ibid., ch. VI, p. 351. [^812]: Forster, second Voyage of Cook, volume IV, ch. VIII, p. 479. [^813]: Forster, ibid., ch. V, p. 271 and 272. [^814]: Cook, second Voyage, volume IV, ch. IV, p. 195. [^815]: Forster, second Voyage of Cook, volume IV, ch. V, p. 256. [^816]: Cook, second Voyage, volume IV, ch. II, p. 126. [^817]: Barrow, A New Voyage into the Southern Part of Africa, volume I, ch. I, p. 143 and 144. — Thunberg, Travels in Africa and Asia, ch. III, p. 119. [^818]: Levaillant, first Travels in the Interior of Africa, volume II, p. 227, 228 and 263. [^819]: Levaillant, first Travels in the Interior of Africa, volume II, p. 255. — Barrow, A New Voyage, etc., volume I, ch. 1, page 147. [^820]: Thunberg, ch. III, p. 119. [^821]: Levaillant, first Voyage, volume II, page 255, 262, 263 and 264. [^822]: Levaillant, first Voyage, volume II, p. 212, 213, 226 and 229. [^823]: Ibid., p. 262. [^824]: Barrow, A Voyage into the Southern Part of Africa, volume II, ch. V, p. 171 and 172. [^825]: Levaillant, first Voyage, volume II, p. 151. [^826]: Levaillant, first Voyage, volume I, p. 230 and 231; volume II, p. 90, and second Voyage, volume III, p. 459 and 460. — The captains, however, sometimes have enough power to seize the women who suit them. Kolbe, volume I, ch. VI, p. 67. [^827]: Levaillant, second Voyage, volume II, p. 411, and volume III, p. 17 and 18. [^828]: Sparrman, Voyage to the Cape of Good Hope, volume II, ch. VIII, page 90. — Levaillant, first Voyage, volume II, page 55 and 56. [^829]: Kolbe, volume I, ch. XV, p. 235, 236 and 237. [^830]: Kolbe, volume I, ch. XV, p. 238, 239, 240 and 252. — Levaillant second Voyage, volume II, p. 187.

Kolbe says that Hottentot women have the privilege of eating hare; but one easily sees what this privilege amounts to when one reads in Levaillant's voyage: "The Hottentots have an invincible repugnance for the flesh of the hare, and cannot bring themselves to eat it."Kolbe says that Hottentot women have the privilege of eating hare; but one easily sees what this privilege amounts to when one reads in Levaillant's voyage: "The Hottentots have an invincible repugnance for the flesh of the hare, and cannot bring themselves to eat it." [^831]: Kolbe, volume I, ch. XV and XVIII, p. 237, 282 and 283. [^832]: Levaillant, first Voyage, volume II, p. 51 and 52. — Kolbe, volume I, ch. XVII, p. 268 and 269. [^833]: Levaillant, first Voyage, volume II, p. 54 and 55. [^834]: Kolbe, volume I, ch. VI, p. 59. — Levaillant, first Voyage, volume II, p. 56, and second Voyage, volume III, p. 89 and 90. [^835]: Sparrman, volume II, ch. VIII, p. 93 and 94. — Kolbe, volume I, ch. XVII, p. 263. [^836]: Kolbe, volume I, ch. XXV, p. 264, 265 and 267. — Sparrman, volume II, ch. VIII, p. 91, 92 and 94. [^837]: Levaillant, first voyage. [^838]: Levaillant, first Voyage, volume II, p. 87 and 88. [^839]: Dampier, A New Voyage Round the World, volume II, ch. XX, p. 213, 214 and 218. — Kolbe, volume I, ch. VI, VII, XVI and XVII, pages 80, 81, 83, 84, 87, 89, 249 and 260. — Sparrman, volume I, chapter V. — Levaillant, first Voyage, volume II, pages 219 and 220. — Degrandpré, volume II, p. 186 and 187. — Thunberg, ch. III, page 108. [^840]: Description of the Cape of Good Hope, volume I, ch. VI, page 80. [^841]: Levaillant, first Voyage, volume I, p. 287 and 288. — The method that Levaillant reports as an incredible fact is employed by the negroes of Malekula and even by the Arabs. Mollien, volume I, ch. I, p. 14. [^842]: Levaillant, second Voyage, volume III, p. 18 and 19. — Kolbe, volume I, ch. XVI, p. 250 and 251. [^843]: Levaillant, first Voyage, volume II, p. 283, 287, 288 and 297; second Voyage, volume I, p. 199, 229 and 230. — Barrow, Travels into the Interior of Southern Africa, volume I, ch. I, pages 139 and 140. [^844]: Thunberg, Travels in Africa and Japan, ch. II, p. 120. — Levaillant. [^845]: Levaillant, second Voyage, volume I, p. 128 and 129. [^846]: Kolbe, volume I, ch. XVI, p. 243. — One may be astonished that pastoral peoples are so often reduced to famine, and that they subsist on such coarse foods. The reason is that they raise animals not to eat them, but to drink their milk or to transport their baggage. It is only very rarely that they can allow themselves to kill an ox or a sheep. Their pastures are neither extensive enough nor large enough for each family to have a numerous herd. Levaillant, first Voyage, volume II, p. 67. [^847]: Levaillant, second Voyage, volume II, p. 75. [^848]: Kolbe, volume I, ch. VI, p. 67. [^849]: Kolbe, volume I, ch. III and VI, p. 29, 60 and 61. — Levaillant, second Voyage, volume I, p. 158 and 159, and volume III, p. 95, 98 and 99. — Barrow, Travels into the Interior of Southern Africa, volume I, ch. I, p. 118, 135 and 136. — Raynal, volume I, book I, p. 393. [^850]: Levaillant, first Voyage, volume I, p. 232. [^851]: Sparrman, volume I, ch. V, p. 263 and 264. [^852]: Levaillant, second Voyage, volume III, p. 163 and 164. — Sparrman, volume I, ch. V, p. 263 and 264. [^853]: Levaillant, volume I, ch. V, p. 259 and 260. [^854]: Levaillant, first Voyage, volume II, p. 305 and 306. — This traveler believes, like Kolbe, that the Bushmen, of whom he saw only three crossing a mountain opposite the one on which he was, are merely runaway slaves from the colony; this opinion is contradicted by other, better-informed travelers. [^855]: Sparrman, volume II, ch. VIII, p. 22. — Levaillant, first Voyage, volume II, p. 220 and 222. [^856]: Péron, Voyage of Discovery to the Southern Lands, volume II, book IV, ch. XXXIII, p. 310. — Sparrman, volume I, ch. V, p. 264 and 265. [^857]: Voyage of Discovery to the Southern Lands, vol. II, book IV, ch. XXXII, p. 310 and 311. — Péron believes that the way the colonists treat these children is the cause of their attachment to the savage life; and he reports in support of this opinion a fact that appears decisive. If this philosophical traveler had had the time to study the customs of the colonists, what for him was only a doubt would have changed into a certainty. [^858]: Sparrman, volume I, ch. V, p. 265. [^859]: L. Degrandpré, Voyage to the Western Coast of Africa, volume I, ch. III, p. 171 and 172. — J. Mathews, A Voyage to the river Sierra-Leone, on the coast of Africa, lett. V, p. 74. — G. Mollien, Travels in the Interior of Africa, to the Sources of the Senegal and the Gambia, volume I, ch. II, p. 148. [^860]: One can see what the food plants of this country are in the Summary of Universal Geography, volume V, book XC, p. 7, and in the authors cited by M. Malte-Brun. [^861]: Voyage to the Western Coast of Africa, volume I, ch. III, p. 167. [^862]: Degrandpré, volume I, ch. II, p. 105, 106 et seq. [^863]: Voyage to the Western Coast of Africa, volume I, ch. II, p. 52, 53, 54 and 55. — The same trials are practiced in Senegal. Mollien, Travels in the Interior of Africa, volume I, ch. II, page 105. [^864]: Ibid., ch. III, p. 210. [^865]: L. Degrandpré, volume I, ch. I and II, p. 52 et seq. — G. Mollien, volume I, ch. III, p. 148. — J. Mathew’s Voyage to the river Sierra-Leone, lett. V, p. 74. [^866]: The social state of the peoples of the western coast of Africa explains a phenomenon that had been difficult to account for: the establishment in Saint-Domingue of a complete monarchy, by the negro Christophe. One found in this monarchy the same ranks, the same titles, the same dignities as in the imperial government created by Napoleon. The admirers of this conqueror did not doubt that King Christophe had taken him as a model; but his detractors said, on the contrary, that it was to the negro king that the merit of the invention belonged. If one had thought of the institutions established, from time immemorial, among the negroes of the western coast of Africa, one would not have contested Christophe's merit: one would have recognized that he had transported to Saint-Domingue the institutions of his native country; that he had conformed, consequently, to the genius of his nation, and that he should not be placed in the ranks of servile imitators. This is not a reproach to the immortal authors of the imperial institutions; it is a subject of admiration for the profound genius of the negroes, who have reached, in a still barbarous state, that high point of social perfection that several of our philosophers and our statesmen have admired. [^867]: J.-G. Stedman, Narrative of an Expedition to Surinam and the Interior of Guiana, volume III, ch. XXV, p. 73 and 74. [^868]: L. Degrandpré, volume I, ch. III, p. 197. [^869]: Mollien, Travels in the Interior of Africa, volume I, ch. III, p. 143. — Degrandpré, volume II, ch. IV, p. 54, 55 and 56. [^870]: Mollien, volume I, ch. II, p. 47 and 48. [^871]: J. Mathew’s, lett. VI, p. 116. — L. Degrandpré, volume I, ch. II, p. 101, 102 and 149. — Raynal, Philosophical History, volume VI, book XI, p. 92. [^872]: Degrandpré, volume I, ch. II, p. 109, 110 and 111. [^873]: Mollien, volume I, ch. IV, p. 292 and 293. [^874]: Mollien, volume I, ch. IV, p. 292 and 293. — Raynal, volume VI, book II, p. 192 and 193. — Degrandpré, volume I, ch. II, p. 102 and 103. [^875]: J. Mathew’s Voyage to the river Sierra-Leone, 5th. lett., p. 86 and 87. [^876]: It is quite evident that I am only concerned here with the great masses: I have no need, for the object I propose, either to concern myself with exceptions, or to discuss the origin of these various populations. [^877]: Book III, ch. XIV. [^878]: For nearly a century since the Russians took possession of these regions, the natives have been almost entirely destroyed: their governments, their customs, their religion have been almost completely effaced. The small number of individuals who still exist in the Aleutian Islands or on the Kamchatka Peninsula are now, in a way, only hunting instruments, which the Russians use to procure furs. [^879]: Coxe, Account of the Russian Discoveries, ch. X, XI, XIII and XV. [^880]: Thunberg, ch. XIII. [^881]: Krusenstern, Voyage around the World. [^882]: Thunberg, ibid. [^883]: Thunberg, ch. XI, XII and XIII. [^884]: The penal laws of a people are sometimes a fairly just means of assessing their customs and especially those of the men who govern them. This means is not, however, infallible; and even if it were true that the penal laws of Japan are as severe as a traveler has claimed, it would not follow that the customs of the mass of the population are cruel. These laws, moreover, are on some points less severe than those of any people in Europe. The assassination of the prince, who is at the same time the head of their religion, is punished by simple death; when the guilty party is convicted, he receives a sword from the magistrate and strikes himself. Let one compare this procedure to the execution of Damiens and then speak to us of the atrocious customs of the Japanese. [^885]: Broughton, Voyage of Discovery, volume II, book II, ch. II, page 52. [^886]: Barrow, Voyage to China, volume II, ch. VII, p. 214 and 217. [^887]: "In China, every male of Tartar origin receives pay from the moment of his birth, and is enrolled among the servants of the prince. These Tartars form the guard to whom he entrusts the safety of his person." Macartney, Voyage to China and Tartary, volume III, ch. II, p. 132 and 133; volume V, ch. II, p. 235, 236 and 243. [^888]: Macartney, volume III, ch. II, p. 132. [^889]: Voyage to China and Tartary, volume IV, ch. I, p. 49. [^890]: Barrow, Voyage to China, volume II, ch. VIII, p. 217. — Macartney, volume III, ch. II, p. 43. [^891]: Macartney, volume IV, ch. II, p. 122. [^892]: Macartney, volume III, ch. II, p. 133 and 134, and ch. III, p. 338. — The Chinese still remember that when the Tartars seized Peking for the first time, they pitched tents for themselves, and lodged their horses in the palaces of the Chinese emperors. Ibid. [^893]: Macartney, Voyage to China and Tartary, volume V, ch. III, page 339. [^894]: Barrow, Voyage to China, volume I, ch. IV, p. 270, 271 and 301, and volume II, ch. VII, p. 157 and 163. — Macartney, volume IV, ch. I, pages 39 and 40. [^895]: "Not only were the people (in the last century) attached to serfdom; but the great, the very princes whose ancestors had been sovereigns, were, at the slightest sign from the despot, torn by whips or bruised by rods.

"If, which was not rare, a lady of the court, in a state of drunkenness, failed in any of her duties, she was publicly whipped." Leveque, History of Russia, volume IV, p. 134 and 135. [^896]: Barrow, volume I, ch. IV, p. 272. — Macartney, volume III, ch. IV, p. 273 and 274. [^897]: Macartney, volume II, ch. IV, p. 332. [^898]: Barrow, volume I, ch. IV, p. 250. [^899]: Macartney. [^900]: I have often heard praised, on the continent, the way English constables conduct policing. Armed, it is said, with a light rod, it is enough for them to make a sign to be obeyed by the people. I have seen this policing, particularly on days when there is a grand reception at court. The light rod of the constables is a short stick, variegated with different colors, and thick at one of the two ends, in the manner of the war clubs of the savages; a single well-applied blow would be enough to knock a man out. The constables who are armed with them, and who have no other signs of their authority, are so numerous that one can believe them to be formidable. This policing reminded me of the description Captain Cook gives of the policing in use in the islands of the Pacific Ocean. Both probably have the same origin: all things considered, the small whips of the Chinese are still preferable. [^901]: A man can sell himself to assist his father in distress and to have him properly buried. [^902]: Krusenstern, Voyage around the World, volume II, ch. XXIV, p. 450. — Barrow, Voyage to China, volume II, ch. VIII, p. 193 and 196. — Macartney, volume IV, ch. I, p. 31, 32, 41, 44, 45, 60 and 61; volume II, ch. IV, p. 377, and volume III, ch. II, p. 134 and 135. — Barrow, Travels into the Interior of Southern Africa, volume II, ch. V, p. 252. [^903]: Macartney, Voyage to China, volume III, ch. IV, p. 266 and 263; volume II, ch. IV, p. 307; volume IV, ch. II, p. 173. — Barrow, Voyage to China, volume II, ch. VI, p. 185; ch. X, p. 320, and 331. — MacLeod, ch. VI, p. 194 and 195. [^904]: Barrow, Voyage to China, volume II, ch. X, p. 320. [^905]: Ibid. ch. VIII, p. 181 and 182. [^906]: > "In China," says Barrow, "the press is as free as in England, and everyone can practice the profession of a printer; which is a singular thing, and perhaps unique in a despotic government." Voyage to China, volume II, ch. VI, p. 180.

I am far from refusing the title of despotic government to the Chinese government; however, when it is in opposition to their own governments that Europeans give it this qualification, it is impossible not to recall the words of that Canadian gentleman who, half-naked, having neither property nor industry, and knowing how to live only by hunting, said, speaking of an Indian, a good farmer and owner of a good farm: *I am going to dine at Thomas's; he is the best of all the savages.*I am far from refusing the title of despotic government to the Chinese government; however, when it is in opposition to their own governments that Europeans give it this qualification, it is impossible not to recall the words of that Canadian gentleman who, half-naked, having neither property nor industry, and knowing how to live only by hunting, said, speaking of an Indian, a good farmer and owner of a good farm: “I am going to dine at Thomas's; he is the best of all the savages.” [^907]: Barrow, Voyage to China, volume I, ch. IV, p. 243 and 246. [^908]: > "It seems," says Chardin, "that this way of marrying a woman without having seen her before, should only produce unhappy marriages; but this is not the case, and one can even say, in general, that marriages are happier in countries where women are married before being seen, than in those where they are seen and frequented." Volume II, p. 238. [^909]: Macartney, Voyage to China and Tartary, volume V, ch. II, pages 341 and 342. [^910]: Barrow, volume I, ch. IV, p. 248 and 250. [^911]: Macartney, volume III, ch. II, p. 134. [^912]: Barrow, volume III, ch. XII, p. 76. [^913]: Macartney, volume III, ch. III, p. 173. [^914]: Ibid., volume III, ch. III, p. 171. [^915]: Krusenstern, Voyage around the World, volume II, ch. XXIII, p. 370 and 371. — The general maxim of obeying the prince, says Macartney, might well not hold in all souls against the new doctrine of the sacred right and duty to resist oppression.” Volume III, ch. III, p. 174. [^916]: Barrow, Voyage to China, volume III, ch. XII, p. 68 and 79. [^917]: Macartney, volume II, ch. I, p. 50. [^918]: "It is not very rare, for an Englishman who finds himself in Macao, to be accosted by a Portuguese wearing a threadbare coat, a hair bag, a sword, and asking for alms." Macartney, Voyage to China and Tartary, volume IV, ch. II, p. 174 and 175. [^919]: MacLeod, Voyage of the Alceste, ch. VII, p. 223. [^920]: Thunberg, Travels in Africa, Asia, and Japan, ch. VIII, p. 222 and 228. — Cook, first Voyage, volume IV, book III, ch. XII, p. 345 and 346. — Dentrecasteaux, Voyage in Search of La Pérouse, volume I, ch. VII, p. 155 and 159, and ch. XXI, p. 471. — Labillardière, volume II, ch. XV, p. 312 and 313. — MacLeod, ch. IX, p. 305 and 323. — Raynal, volume I, book II, p. 419, 432 and 446. [^921]: Travels in the Southern Part of Africa and to the Indies, volume I, p. 36 of the introduction. [^922]: Voyage to China, volume I, ch. IV, p. 297. [^923]: Raynal, Philosophical History, volume I, book II, p. 350. [^924]: Philosophical History of the Two Indies, volume I, book I, pages 176 and 177. [^925]: They say, for example, that property is poorly guaranteed there, and they assure at the same time that on a territory eight times the size of France, one does not see a scrap of land lying fallow (Macartney, volume II, ch. III, p. 202, and volume IV, ch. II, p. 117), and that "the Chinese are so accustomed to regarding a farm as their property, as long as they continue to pay the rent, that an individual from Macao ran the risk of losing his life for having wanted to increase the rent of his Chinese farmers." (Barrow, volume II, ch. VII, p. 189.) — They say that their laws are very good in theory; that they have maxims full of wisdom, but that their customs are vicious; and they assure, at the same time, that there every ancient proverb has as much force as a law. (Barrow, vol. I, ch. IV, p. 269.) — How then are the laws without force? How is conduct in contradiction with maxims? [^926]: Barrow, volume I, ch. II, p. 134 and 135. [^927]: Voyage to China and Tartary, volume III, ch. IV, p. 267. [^928]: Barrow, Voyage to China, volume I, ch. IV, p. 303. [^929]: Voyage around the World, volume II, p. 179. [^930]: Macartney, Voyage to China and Tartary, volume IV, ch. II, p. 124. — The Tongouths abandon their infirm or aged fathers, like some of the peoples of northern America. Barrow, Voyage to China, volume III, p. 188. [^931]: Travels in Persia, volume V, ch. I, p. 219 and 220. [^932]: If the king orders a man to kill his father or his son, that man must obey, for it is not contrary to divine law to kill one's father when the king commands it; but if he orders a priest to return a usurped property, he must not be obeyed, for divine law forbids the Church to return to the owner a property it possesses, even when it has received it from a usurper: such is the religious morality of the priests of Persia. Chardin, volume V, ch. I and V, p. 219 and 381. [^933]: Chardin, Travels in Persia, volume IX, p. 97 and 98. [^934]: Ibid., volume III, ch. XII, p. 435. [^935]: Chardin, volume V, ch. IV, p. 308. [^936]: Ibid., volume II, p. 110. [^937]: One sees that the Persians, in attributing all the acts of the prince to the ministers, are in no less a constitutional line than Delolme and most of our writers. They are also very constitutional with regard to ministerial responsibility: there are few ministers whose entire property is not sooner or later confiscated, or who are not strangled or even flayed. Finally, the Persians are more constitutional than any people in Europe with regard to the right of petition; their king's palace is usually surrounded by eight or ten thousand plaintiffs or petitioners, who have arrived from all points of the empire. Chardin, volume V, ch. II, p. 280... Respect for these maxims is, however, neither an obstacle for bad ministers, nor a protection for the public. One must not conclude from this, doubtless, that these maxims are harmful; the only consequence I wish to draw from it is that the security a people enjoys is by reason of the customs, enlightenment, and organization of the various classes of which it is composed, and not by reason of a certain number of maxims that are adopted or rejected according to circumstances. [^938]: Chardin, Travels in Persia, volume V, ch. III, p. 241 and 247, and ch. IV, p. 295. — It will be seen elsewhere what influence the priests exercise in Persia and in other countries on morality, laws, and the nature of government. [^939]: Chardin paints in four words the character of the priests of Persia: they are, he says, false and envious, greedy and perfidious. Volume IX, page 198. [^940]: Chardin, Travels in Persia, volume III, p. 121 and 122; volume IV, ch. ix, p. 318 and 319; volume V, ch. u, p. 232, 241 and 242; volume IX, p. 212, 213 and 226. [^941]: Chardin, volume II, p. 224, 228 and 241; volume III, p. 271 and 272; volume VI, ch. XII, p. 8, 19, 26 and 30. [^942]: Chardin, volume V, ch. VI, p. 391 and 392. [^943]: Chardin, volume IV, ch. XIV, p. 22. [^944]: Ibid., volume III, ch. XI, p. 431 and 432; volume IV, ch. XVII, p. 91 and 93. [^945]: Chardin, volume III, ch. XI, p. 408. [^946]: Ibid., volume III, p. 272. [^947]: Travels in Persia, volume VI, ch. XVII, p. 99 and 100. [^948]: Chardin, volume VIII, p. 176 and 177. [^949]: Travels in Persia, volume VIII, p. 360. [^950]: Savary, volume III, lett. II, p. 31, 33 and 37. — Volney, volume I, ch. XXIII, p. 338 and 339. — Niebuhr, Description of Arabia, p. 327 and 329. — Bruce, volume II, book I, ch. VI. [^951]: The Turks had already penetrated into the richest provinces of Arabia; but the pasha of Egypt, Mohammed-Aly, has just subjected all of Arabia to the sultan's empire. Félix Mengin, History of Egypt under Mohammed Aly. [^952]: Savary, Letters on Egypt, volume III, lett. II, p. 22 and 23. [^953]: Niebuhr, Travels in Arabia, volume II, sect. XXV, chap. V, p. 219. — Description of Arabia, p. 9. [^954]: Niebuhr, Travels in Arabia, sect. XXIV, ch. II, p. 175 and 179. — Description of Arabia, p. 328 and 329. [^955]: The chief who governed the Arab tribes at the time Niebuhr visited them, counted in his family one hundred and fifty individuals all having the title of sheikh. Description of Arabia, p. 334. [^956]: Niebuhr, Travels in Arabia, volume II, sect. XXIV, chap. I, p. 170 and 171. [^957]: Volney, Travels in Syria and Egypt, volume I, ch. XXII, p. 367 and 368. [^958]: Niebuhr, Travels in Arabia, volume II, sect. XVI, ch. IV, and sect. XXIV, ch. II, p. 18, 19 and 175. [^959]: Volney, Travels in Syria and Egypt, volume I, ch. XXIII, page 371. [^960]: Niebuhr, Travels in Arabia, volume II, sect. XXVI, chap. I, pages 227 and 228. [^961]: Ibid., p. 228 and 229. [^962]: Niebuhr, Travels in Arabia, volume II, p. 228, 229 and 330. [^963]: Ibid., p. 227 and 236. — Description of Arabia, p. 31 and 32. [^964]: Niebuhr, Travels in Arabia, volume II, sect. XXVII, chap. II, page 279. [^965]: Niebuhr, Description of Arabia, p. 334. — Travels in Arabia, volume II, sect. XXIV, ch. I, II and III, p. 170, 171, 176 and 182. [^966]: Niebuhr, Description of Arabia, p. 14 and 15. — Travels in Arabia, volume II, sect. XXV, ch. V, p. 217, 218 and 219. [^967]: Niebuhr, Travels in Arabia, volume II, sect. XXV, chap. IV, p. 210, 211 et seq. — Description of Arabia, p. 26 and 27. — Volney, volume I, ch. XXI, p. 362 and 363. [^968]: Volney, Travels in Syria and Egypt, volume I, ch. VI and XXIII, p.71, 361, 362 and 378. [^969]: Niebuhr, Description of Arabia, p. 330. [^970]: Volney, Travels in Syria and Egypt, volume I, ch. XXI, pages 359 and 360. — Niebuhr, Description of Arabia, volume II, sect. XVI, ch. IV, p. 21 and 22. — Hasselquist, Voyage in the Levant, second part, p. 56 and 57. — Mollien, Travels in the Interior of Africa, volume I, ch. I, p. 14. — De Forbin, Voyage in the Levant, p. 96 and 153. The Jews, established in Arabia, eat locusts like the Arabs, and they believe that these insects, of which such frequent clouds are seen in the Orient, were the food on which their ancestors fed in the desert. They mock the European translators of the Bible, who, according to them, took locusts for birds, and made a miracle out of a completely natural phenomenon. Niebuhr, Description of Arabia, p. 152. — Job Ludolph, in the Treatise on Locusts, placed at the end of the supplement to his Description of Abyssinia, adopted the opinion of the Arab Jews. See also the remark, page 421, in the German translation of the Universal History, second part. [^971]: Volney, volume I, ch. XXII, p. 376. [^972]: There exists among the Bedouins no corporation of priests to inspire in them an antipathy towards persons who do not share their beliefs, as exists among the Turks. V. Denon, volume I, p. 94. [^973]: Description of Arabia, p. 41 and 42. [^974]: Travels in Syria and Egypt, vol. I, ch. XXII, p. 277 and 278. [^975]: Volney, volume II, ch. XXXVII, p. 376. [^976]: Niebuhr, Description of Arabia, p. 330, 331 and 332. — Travels in Arabia, volume II, sect. XXIV, ch. I, p.171. — It is in much the same way that things happen in Europe. If an individual, foreigner or not, tries to pass goods through the territory of a government without paying the entry duties, that government seizes them if it discovers them; no one for that reason thinks of saying that customs officers are thieves. [^977]: Niebuhr, Description of Arabia, p. 13. [^978]: Félix Mengin, History of Egypt under the government of Mohammed-Aly, volume II, p. 173, 174 and 175. [^979]: Félix Mengin, p. 176. [^980]: Ibid., p. 181, 182 and 183. [^981]: Niebuhr, Description of Arabia, p. 36 and 40. — Travels in Arabia, volume I, p. 256, 264 and 275. [^982]: Letters on Egypt, volume III, lett. II, p. 26 and 27. [^983]: Niebuhr, Travels in Arabia, volume II, sect. XXVIII, ch. II, p. 315 and 316. The Turks, after having long sown division among the Arab tribes, by distributing horsetails sometimes to one sheikh and sometimes to another (Niebuhr, Description of Arabia, p. 337.), have finally succeeded in subjugating them. If they can establish their domination among them, there is no doubt that they will finish corrupting their moral character, which they had already greatly altered.The Turks, after having long sown division among the Arab tribes, by distributing horsetails sometimes to one sheikh and sometimes to another (Niebuhr, Description of Arabia, p. 337.), have finally succeeded in subjugating them. If they can establish their domination among them, there is no doubt that they will finish corrupting their moral character, which they had already greatly altered. [^984]: Chardin has described the customs of some of these peoples in the first and second volumes of his Voyage. See also the authors cited by Malte-Brun, Summary of Universal Geography, volume III, book XLVII. [^985]: The peoples who live on the slopes of the mountains or in the valleys that carry their waters to the Nile present a phenomenon that deserves to be observed. Those who are situated at the source of this river and throughout the extent of Abyssinia belong, according to the description Bruce has given of them, to the Caucasian species, and profess Christianity. Those one encounters next, whether following the course of the river or heading west, such as the inhabitants of Sennar, Kordofan, and Darfur, belong to the Ethiopian species and profess the Muslim religion. Finally, the Copts, who are the most ancient inhabitants of Egypt, are classified among the peoples of the Caucasian race, and profess Christianity. In general, all the lands that carry their waters to the same river are inhabited by peoples who belong to the same species and who speak the same language or at least dialects of the same language. Here we encounter an exception that deserves to be noted. [^986]: J. Bruce, volume IX, book VI, ch. X, p. 80. [^987]: J. Bruce, volume X, book VII, ch. IV, p. 167, 168 and 169. [^988]: Ibid., volume IX, book VI, ch. X, p. 75, 76, 78 and 79. [^989]: J. Bruce, volume XI, book VII, ch. XI, p. 44. [^990]: J. Bruce, volume X, book VII, ch. I, p. 47. [^991]: Ibid., ch. III, p. 132 and 133, and ch. VIII, p. 311; volume VIII, book V, ch. XI, p. 56. [^992]: Ibid., volume VIII, book VI, ch. VII, p. 358, and volume IX, book VI, ch. IX, p. 59. [^993]: Ibid., volume VIII, book V, ch. XI, p. 62, and volume X, book VII, ch. V, p. 193, and ch. VII, p. 291. [^994]: Ibid., volume VIII, book V, ch. XI, p. 62. [^995]: J. Bruce, volume VIII, book V, ch. XI, p. 32, 33, 34, 48 and 56. — The kings of Abyssinia can say to their counselors, as Xerxes did to his:

"I have brought you here, so that it may not be thought that I act on my own opinion alone; but I am pleased to tell you at the same time that your duty is to conform to my will, rather than to seek to give me advice and make remonstrances to me." Herodotus, book VI. [^996]: J. Bruce, volume VIII, book V, ch. XI, p. 32, 59, 60 and 61, and volume X, book VII, ch. III, p. 128, 129 and 130. [^997]: J. Bruce, volume VIII, book V, ch. XI, p. 44, 45 and 46. — During Bruce's stay in Abyssinia, the king amused himself by sending him these petitioners who would come to moan and lament at his door, and who, when they were tired, would ask him for a drink so they could continue. [^998]: J. Bruce, volume VIII, book V, ch. XI, p. 55 and 36; volume X, book VII, ch. II, VI and VII, p. 133, 242, 250 and 309. — Since the Jesuits penetrated this country, the kings have ceased to be inviolable in cases where heaven is concerned, and several have been assassinated. Bruce, volume VIII, p. 35. [^999]: J. Bruce, volume VIII, book V, ch. XI, p. 30 and 31. — The ministers are not inviolable by the maxims of the State, but they are more so than the king, for the reason that there exists no power above their own. [^1000]: J. Bruce, volume VIII, book V, ch. XI, p. 106. [^1001]: J. Bruce, volume VIII, book V, ch. XI, p. 100 and 101. [^1002]: Ibid., p. 28 and 29. [^1003]: J. Bruce, volume VIII, book V, ch. XI, p. 100 and 101. [^1004]: Ibid., volume X, book VII, ch. IV, p. 150. [^1005]: Ibid., volume VIII, book V, ch. XI, p. 100 and 101, and volume XI, book VII, ch. X, p. 26. [^1006]: Ibid., volume XI, book VII, ch. XI, p. 50. [^1007]: J. Bruce, volume VIII, book V, ch. XI, p. 35 and 36, and volume X, book VII, ch. III, VI and VIII, p. 133, 242, 250 and 309. [^1008]: Ibid., volume VIII, book VI, ch. III, p. 243. [^1009]: J. Bruce, volume XI, book VII, ch. XI, p. 44. — Foreigners who wish to make themselves masters of these peoples employ the same means as the ministers and the great men of the country: they seize the individual who has been made an object of adoration for the public; they surround him with people devoted to their interests, and thus they find themselves masters of the land and the inhabitants. This means of enslaving a nation by seizing a hereditary chief is practiced even by the most stupid peoples: "This policy," says Bruce, "is very remarkable in this barbarous nation of the Funj, and it must have succeeded well for them, for they are constantly attached to it. As soon as they subdue a country, they choose the reigning prince for their lieutenant, and let him enjoy his former authority under their orders." Bruce, volume XII, book VIII, ch. IX, p. 40. — See examples in chapter X of the same book. It is by a similar means that the Spanish made themselves masters of America, and that the English have made themselves masters of Hindustan. The Romans formerly made frequent use of it. [^1010]: J. Bruce, volume VII, book V, ch. VIII, p. 326, 327, 351, 352 and 356. [^1011]: J. Bruce, volume VIII, book V, ch. XI, p. 68 and 69. [^1012]: Ibid., p. 39. [^1013]: J. Bruce, volume IX, book VI, ch. XIX, p. 394 and 395. [^1014]: Ibid., volume VII, book V, ch. V, p. 190 and 191. [^1015]: J. Bruce, volume X, book VII, ch. III, p. 140. [^1016]: Ibid., ch. II, p. 85. [^1017]: Ibid., ch. I, p. 33. [^1018]: J. Bruce, volume VII, book V, ch. IV, p. 163. [^1019]: Ibid., volume VII, book V, ch. V, p. 232, and volume VIII, book V, ch. IX, p. 96 and 97. [^1020]: Samuel, ch. XIV, verses XXXI and XXXII. [^1021]: J. Bruce, volume VIII, book VI, ch. IV, p. 251. [^1022]: J. Bruce, volume VII, book V, ch. XI, p. 75, 76, 96 and 101. [^1023]: J. Bruce, volume VII, book V, ch. II, p. 143, 144 et seq. [^1024]: J. Bruce, volume XI, book VIII, ch. IV, p. 190. [^1025]: J. Bruce, volume VII, book V, ch. IV, p. 163 and 185; volume XI, book VIII, ch. I, p. 93, and volume XII, book VIII, ch. X, p. 90 and 91. [^1026]: J. Bruce, volume XII, book VIII, ch. IX, p. 18. — Félix Mengin, History of Egypt under the government of Mohammed-Aly, volume II, p. 225, 232 and 233. [^1027]: J. Bruce, volume XII, book VIII, ch. IX, p. 18. [^1028]: Ibid. ch. IX, p. 22. [^1029]: Félix Mengin, volume II, p. 218 to 222. [^1030]: Sonnini, Voyage in Upper and Lower Egypt, volume III, ch. V, p. 87 and 88. [^1031]: This division of lands, attested by historians, did not, however, seem very clear to d'Anville. Memoirs on Ancient and Modern Egypt, p. 28. [^1032]: It is well proven, in the eyes of most Europeans, that men, by virtue of their birth and without having undertaken any study, can possess the enlightenment, virtues, and independence necessary for magistrates and legislators; but it is not yet proven that the right of birth alone makes doctors, architects, painters, or even shoemakers. [^1033]: See Denon, Voyage in Upper and Lower Egypt, volume II, pages 114 and 115. [^1034]: Under a theocratic government, one does not distinguish the house of the God from the house of the priest. In Athalie, Racine has the young Eliacin say:

This temple is my country, I know no other.

And it is evident that the high priest, his wife and his children, and even the simple Levites, have no other dwelling. M. Denon conjectured that the king of Egypt had his residence in the very temple where he was raised, served, and advised by priests.

"I will add to the various descriptions I have made of this gigantic monument," he says, speaking of a temple at Karnak, "that in the southern part of the first court, there is a particular building, included in the general enclosure, composed of a surrounding wall... Is this, then, the palace of the kings, or rather their noble prison? What might lead one to believe so are the figures sculpted on the side parts of the gate, representing heroes holding subjugated figures by the hair; divinities show them new weapons, as if to promise them new victories as long as they have recourse to them to obtain them." See Denon, Voyage in Lower and Upper Egypt, volume II, p. 255 and 256. [^1035]: Savary, Letters on Egypt, letter X, volume I, p. 106. [^1036]: Voltaire reproaches the Egyptians for having been the most cowardly people on earth, and for having allowed themselves to be defeated by all the peoples who attempted to conquer them. This people was cowardly, ignorant, or credulous when, for the first time, it was subjugated by a military and sacerdotal aristocracy; but its descendants did not show themselves to be cowardly when they allowed their national or foreign dominators to be exterminated; they did not show themselves to be cowardly when they allowed the kings, soldiers, and priests who had despoiled them to be destroyed by the Assyrians, the Assyrians by the Greeks, the Greeks by the Romans, the Romans by the Arabs, the Arabs by the Mamluks, the Mamluks by the Turks. When men allow themselves to be made slaves, they condemn their descendants to be the prey of all those who will have enough strength to destroy or dispossess their masters. [^1037]: Gibbon's History of the decline and fall of the roman empire, vol. IX, ch. II, p. 437. [^1038]: Hasselquist, Voyage in the Levant, first part, p. 163. — Savary, Letters on Egypt, letter II, volume I, p. 26. [^1039]: Mémoires de l’Académie des inscriptions et belles-lettres, volume XXI, p. 551. — Sonnini, Voyage in Upper and Lower Egypt, volume II, ch. XXXIII, p. 312 and 313. — Savary, volume II, letter XV, p. 191.

It was only after several revolutions that the domination of the Arabs was extinguished, and that the power of the Mamluks was established. The races that succeeded the caliphs, coming from a comparatively cold climate, were much more barbarous than them. One can see d'Herbelot, Oriental Library; and Deguignes. James Wilson's History of Egypt, vol. II, b. VII, ch. II, p. 191 and 192, ch. III, p. 234 and 235, b. VIII, ch. I, p. 371 and 372. [^1040]: Savary, Letters on Egypt, volume II, letter XV, p. 192 et seq. — Denon, volume II, p. 159.

The state of the Mamluks can explain to us a phenomenon we have observed in Persia: that is, the honor attached to the title of slave, and the debasement attached to the title that corresponds to that of subject or subjugated (subjectus). It is evident that the individual who is purchased to take part in the exploitation of a conquered population must believe himself less debased, though a slave, than the individuals who are exploited. He can pride himself on a title that makes him a participant in the privileges of the masters.The state of the Mamluks can explain to us a phenomenon we have observed in Persia: that is, the honor attached to the title of slave, and the abasement attached to the title that corresponds to that of subject or subjugated (subjectus). It is evident that the individual who is purchased to take part in the exploitation of a conquered population must believe himself less abased, though a slave, than the individuals who are exploited. He can pride himself on a title that makes him a participant in the privileges of the masters. [^1041]: Volney, Travels in Syria and Egypt, volume I, ch. XII, pages 181 and 182. [^1042]: J. Bruce, Travels to the Sources of the Nile, volume I, book I, ch. I, p. 161 and 162. — Sonnini, volume II, ch. XXXIII, p. 309 and 310. [^1043]: The contempt that all conquerors show for vanquished peoples and their usages, and the adoption of their language and their customs, are two phenomena that appear contradictory, but which are nevertheless universal. Profound political theorists, without bothering to investigate whether their explanations were not contradicted by the facts, have attributed the triumph of the language and customs of subjugated peoples to the policy or condescension of the conquerors. There is a more powerful reason for this phenomenon: the victors ordinarily count among their privileges the right to seize the daughters or wives of the vanquished, if they please them; it is also from among the vanquished that they take their slaves or their servants. Now, children speak the language of their mother and of the people who care for them, in preference to that of their father; it is not necessary to indicate the reason for this. The adoption of the language necessarily entails the adoption of ideas, prejudices, and a part of the customs. This explains how the peoples of the north, who seized Gaul and some other parts of southern Europe, could not establish the Germanic language there, and how the Norman idiom was largely stifled in England by the language of the conquered peoples. This can also allow us to reduce to its proper value the so-vaunted wisdom and moderation of the conquerors of China. When two peoples merge, it is the one with the most ideas that naturally furnishes the language with the most terms. [^1044]: Volney, Travels in Syria and Egypt, volume I, ch. VII, p. 98, 99 and 100. — Raynal, Philosophical History of the Two Indies, volume VI, book XI, p. 10 and 11. — Wilson’s History of Egypt, vol. III, b. IX, ch. I, p. 55 and 56. — The Ottomans are in the same case as the Mamluks; they can only perpetuate their race by marrying natives. This is one of the most remarkable examples of the influence of climates and places on the nature of a government, if, indeed, the inability to reproduce is caused by the nature of the places or the climate. [^1045]: Not all the beys of Egypt, however, were descended from Christian parents and had been purchased; some, though few in number, were born of Mohammedan parents and had never been slaves. Niebuhr, Travels in Arabia, volume I, p. 109. [^1046]: Sultan Selim says, in the preamble of his charter, that he grants to the twenty-four sanjaks (or beys) a republican government; but it is evident from the provisions of this charter or treaty that he confines himself to confirming the previously established order of things, merely replacing the sultan chosen by the beys with a pasha, that is, with an officer of his choice. The charter granted to the Mamluks is reported by Savary, volume II, lett. XV, p. 196, 197 et seq. [^1047]: Savary, volume I, lett. VIII, p. 90, and volume II, lett. XV, p. 201, 202, 205 and 206. [^1048]: Niebuhr, Travels in Arabia, volume II, p. 177. — Savary, volume II, lett. IV, p. 52 and 53. [^1049]: Bruce, volume II, book I, ch. IV, p. 167. [^1050]: Hasselquist, first part, p. 168 and 169. [^1051]: Ibid., p. 152 and 159. [^1052]: Niebuhr, Travels in Arabia, volume II, p. 177. [^1053]: J. Bruce, volume I, book I, ch. II, p. 160 and 161. [^1054]: Niebuhr, Travels in Arabia, volume I, p. 112. — The reduction into corporations of the various parts of which a people is composed is such a powerful means of establishing or maintaining servitude that the Barbary pirates themselves have found it useful to employ it to better secure the possession of their slaves:

"I learn," says Niebuhr, "that in Tripoli in Barbary, the black slaves choose a principal from among themselves, who makes himself known as such to the regency. It has been found by experience that these sorts of people are sometimes of great utility there. They know all their compatriots exactly, and keep an eye on those whom each of them frequents. Now, if it happens that a black slave deserts, the master has only to inform the principal, and the latter is usually not long in finding out which way the fugitive has taken." Niebuhr, ibid. [^1055]: Niebuhr, Travels in Arabia, volume I, p. 112 and 113, and volume II, p. 239. — It does not appear that any of these police measures were changed after the massacre of the Mamluks. [^1056]: Volney, Travels in Syria and Egypt, volume II, ch. XXXIV, p. 356 and 357. [^1057]: Savary, volume III, lett. II, p. 19. [^1058]: Volney, Travels in Syria and Egypt, volume I, ch. XII, page 179. [^1059]: Volney, Travels in Syria and Egypt, volume I, ch. XII, pages 180 and 181. [^1060]: When an aristocracy, whatever its nature and elements, has succeeded in making itself absolute master of a country, all its efforts tend toward the annihilation of the intermediate classes. It is driven to this by two motives: the first is the desire to despoil them; the second is the need to secure its domination. It is never but in its own bosom or in the middle class that an aristocracy finds men who can oppose it with resistance. The men of the lower classes are too unenlightened and too occupied with the care of providing for their daily existence to offer effective resistance, however numerous they may be. [^1061]: Rulhière, History of the Anarchy of Poland. [^1062]: Volney, Travels in Syria, volume II, ch. XXXIII, p. 340, 341 et seq.

We see that the Turks have placed the source of their power in heaven; this means of putting the principle of their authority beyond the reach of human intelligence has been employed by all conquerors, even the most barbarous.

The sultan, holding his power from the Divinity itself, cannot be deposed, according to the doctrine of the Muslim priests, whatever crimes he may have committed against his people; but he can be deposed if he violates the laws of the Church, that is to say, the prerogatives of the priests. Crimes that fall only upon the nations are not offenses against God; for, according to Turkish theology, God has delivered the peoples as prey to their despots. Félix Mengin, History of Egypt, volume I, p. 166. [^1063]: Volney, Travels in Syria and Egypt, volume II, ch. XLIV, pag. 344 and 345. [^1064]: Volney, p. 346 and 347. — The care that the sultan gives to the people of Constantinople has been cited in favor of Turkish despotism; but this care, which he renders to his personal safety, does not exist for the rest of the empire; one can even say that it has unfortunate effects there; for if Constantinople lacks provisions, ten provinces are starved to supply it. Ibid., p. 345. [^1065]: Savary, volume II, lett. XV, p. 194, 195 and 196. [^1066]: Those who think that vices develop preferably in hot climates, and virtues in cold climates, have only to compare what Egypt was under the domination of the Arabs to what it has become under the men who came from Tartary or the Caucasus. [^1067]: Sonnini, volume II, ch. XXXIII, p. 302. [^1068]: Sonnini, ibid., p. 303. Sonnini asserts that none of the beys knew how to read or write; Savary said the contrary; but in a country where one reads only the Quran and where no books are printed, a man can know how to read and write without having a more just idea or sentiment. [^1069]: Volney, Travels in Egypt and Syria, volume I, ch. XII, p. 172, 179 and 180. — Savary, volume II, lett. VII, p. 280. — Raynal, Philosophical History of the Two Indies, volume VI, book XI, p. 8. [^1070]: Sonnini, volume I, ch. XIV, p. 238; volume II, ch. XXIV, p. 79 and 80, ch. XXXIII, p. 316. — Savary, volume II, lett. XVIII, p. 280 and 281. — Hasselquist, first part, p. 159. [^1071]: Sonnini, volume II, ch. XXXIII, p. 314 and 315. [^1072]: Savary, volume II, lett. III, p. 48. —

"To reign for a few days," says Savary, speaking of the beys, "to give themselves over without measure to their passions, to intoxicate themselves with all pleasures, to destroy one another, constitute their entire ambition. I have seen eleven of them in the space of three years pass thus from the bosom of voluptuousness to death. They perished by the sword of their colleagues, for whom a similar fate awaits. A greater number saved themselves by flight." Volume II, lett. VIII, p. 114. [^1073]: Savary, volume I, lett. VIII, p. 90, and volume II, lett. XV and XVI, p. 205, 206, 210, 211 and 212. [^1074]: Savary, volume II, lett. XVIII, p. 280. — Volney, Travels in Syria and Egypt, volume I, ch. XII, p. 172. [^1075]: Savary, volume II, lett. XVIII, p. 280. [^1076]: Sonnini, volume III, ch. LII, p. 304 and 312. [^1077]: Sonnini, volume III, ch. III, pag. 312. — Savary, volume II, lett. I, p. 48. [^1078]: Volney, Travels in Syria and Egypt, volume I, ch. XII, p. 174, 175, 179 and 180. [^1079]: Niebuhr, Travels in Arabia, volume I, pag. 112. — Norden, Travels in Egypt and Nubia, third part, volume I, p. 99. — Savary, volume II, lett. XIV, p. 184. — Volney, Travels in Syria and Egypt, volume II, ch. XXXIII, p. 353, 354 and 355. — Acts of rigor against merchants who sold by false weight or false measure have never been capable of introducing good faith into commerce: "There is no country," says Volney, speaking of the Turkish empire, "where one sells more by false weight; the merchants get away with it by watching for the passage of the wali or the muhtasib (market inspector). As soon as they appear on horseback, everything slips away and hides, or produces another weight: often the retailers make deals with the servants who walk before the two officers: and for a fee, they are sure of impunity." Travels in Syria and Egypt, volume II, ch. XXXIII, p. 354 and 355. [^1080]: Volney, Travels in Syria and Egypt, volume II, ch. XXXIV, p. 356, 357 and 359. — De Forbin, Voyage in the Levant, p. 247. [^1081]: Travels in Syria and Egypt, volume II, ch. XXIV, pag. 358 and 359. [^1082]: Sonnini, volume III, ch. LII, p. 337 and 338. [^1083]: Niebuhr, Travels in Arabia, volume II, p. 277 and 278. — Hasselquist, first part, p. 251 and 252. — Savary, volume II, lett. XVIII, p. 281. — Volney, volume II, ch. XXXIII, p. 346 and 347. — De Forbin, pages 76 and 77.

The motives that act on the minds of the pashas act on the minds of their subordinates:

"This town," says Volney, speaking of Ramla, "is almost as ruined as Lydda itself. One walks within its walls only through rubble: the agha of Gaza makes his residence there in a seraglio whose floors are collapsing along with the walls. 'Why,' I said one day to one of his sub-aghas, 'does he not at least repair his room?' 'And if he is supplanted next year,' he replied, 'who will reimburse him for his expense?'" Travels in Syria and Egypt, volume II, ch. XXXI, p. 307. [^1084]: Volney, Travels in Syria and Egypt, volume II, ch. XXVIII and XXXI, p. 158, 159 and 311.

There is a kind of property that is not exposed to the same dangers as others: it is that which belongs to the priests. If a man wants to protect his properties from violence, it is enough for him to make what is called a waqf, that is, an attribution or a foundation of a property to a mosque. From that moment, he becomes the irremovable caretaker of his estate; and, instead of seeing its products carried off by military power, he sees them devoured by the humble servants of the mosques. Volney, volume II, ch. XXXVI, p. 369 and 370. — Raynal, volume VI, book XI, p. 8. — Félix Mengin, History of Egypt under the government of Mohammed-Aly, volume I, p. 401 and 402.There is a kind of property that is not exposed to the same dangers as others: it is that which belongs to the priests. If a man wants to protect his properties from violence, it is enough for him to make what is called a waqf, that is, an endowment or a foundation of a property to a mosque. From that moment, he becomes the irremovable caretaker of his estate; and, instead of seeing its products carried off by military power, he sees them devoured by the humble religious functionaries of the mosques. Volney, volume II, ch. XXXVI, p. 369 and 370. — Raynal, volume VI, book XI, p. 8. — Félix Mengin, History of Egypt under the government of Mohammed-Aly, volume I, p. 401 and 402. [^1085]: Denon, Voyage in Lower and Upper Egypt. [^1086]: Hasselquist, first part, p. 160 and 224. — Norden, volume II, fifth part, p. 32. — Savary, volume II, lett. III and IV, p. 47 and 52. — Sonnini, volume III, ch. XXXIX and XLVIII, p. 32, 33, 227 and 228. — Volney, volume I, ch. XII, p. 173. — Denon, volume I, p. 222, 223, 281 and 282. — De Forbin, p. 203. [^1087]: Savary, volume I, lett. II, p. 26 and 27. — The district on which Alexandria was built was sterile and devoid of fresh water; but it was the only seaport of Egypt. D’Anville, Memoirs on Ancient and Modern Egypt, § VII, p. 52. [^1088]: Savary, volume II, lett. VIII, p. 106. [^1089]: Sonnini, volume I, ch. XX, p. 395. — Savary, volume II, lett. IX and XI, p. 129 and 148. — Denon, volume II, p. 43 and 44. [^1090]: Savary, volume II, lett. VI, IX and XI, p. 81, 84, 129 and 148. The most famous cities of Asia Minor have suffered the same fate as those of Egypt. Tyre, whose splendor and riches no city seems yet to have equaled, is buried beneath its ruins: ten fishermen's huts replace that famous city. Hasselquist, first part, p. 236 and 238. [^1091]: Savary, volume II, lett. III and IV, p. 47, 51 and 52. — Sonnini, volume III, ch. XL, p. 41 and 42. — Denon, volume I, p. 88 and 89. [^1092]: Savary, lett. XXII, p. 256. — De Forbin, p. 192, 193, 194 and 195. — In the Turkish empire, there are no inns to house travelers; but they find in the cities buildings called kans or caravanserai that serve as their refuge. These hospices, always located outside the city walls, are composed of four wings running around a square courtyard that serves as an enclosure. The lodgings are cells where one finds only the four walls, dust, and sometimes scorpions. The keeper of this kan is responsible for giving the key and a mat; the traveler must have provided the rest. Volney, Travels in Syria and Egypt, vol. II, ch. XXXVII, pages 383 and 384. [^1093]: Savary, volume III, lett. I, p. 15, 16 and following. [^1094]: De Forbin, p. 208, 209 and 249. In 1823, Cairo had 31,000 houses; of this number, only 25,000 were subject to tax, because there were 6,000 that were either ruined or abandoned. (Félix Mengin, History of Egypt under Mohammed-Aly, volume II, p. 317.) — Even in the largest cities the houses are low, and have only sparse openings, marked by lattices: their very appearance announces the presence of despotism. Volney, Travels in Egypt and Syria, volume I, ch. I, p. 4. [^1095]: De Forbin, p. 76 and 77. [^1096]: Hasselquist, first part, p. 182, 251 and 252. — Volney, Travels in Syria and Egypt, volume II, ch. XXIX and XXXVII, p. 216 and 376. Denon, volume I, p. 193. [^1097]: Hasselquist, second part, p. 17 and 18. — Sonnini, volume I, ch. XVII, p. 312 and 313; volume II, ch. III and XXII, p. 20, 21, 301 and 302, and volume III, ch. XI, p. 61 and 62. — Volney, volume II, ch. III, p. 355 and 356. — Denon, volume I, p. 50. [^1098]: Hasselquist, second part, p. 116. [^1099]: Savary, volume I, lett. II and V, p. 28, 29 and 58, and volume II, lett. II and XVII, p. 38, 276, 277 and following. — Sonnini, volume I, ch. X and XX, p. 143, 144, 145 and 395; volume II, ch. XXII, p. 20 and 21, and volume III, ch. LII, p. 302 and 303. [^1100]: Denon, volume I, p. 246. [^1101]: Savary, volume II, lett. XVIII, p. 278 and 279. [^1102]: Denon, volume I, p. 271 and 272. [^1103]: It appears, however, that even in Strabo's time, the only lands in Egypt capable of cultivation were those that could be irrigated by the Nile; which proves that, if cultivation once extended further, the decline is very ancient. Indeed, it must be admitted that it dates back to a very remote era, since even in Pliny's time there were no longer any traces of Lake Moeris. D’Anville, Memoirs on Egypt, p. 22 and 153. [^1104]: J. Bruce, volume I, book I, ch. IV, p. 224 and 246. — Volney, volume II, ch. XXXVII, p. 379. — Denon, volume II, p. 24. [^1105]: Volney, volume II, ch. XXXVII, p. 378.

Syria offers the same spectacle as Egypt; the cities there present nothing but ruins; lands once fertile are converted into deserts; the farmers sow, the artisans work, only to procure what is absolutely necessary for them to live; they hide their meager products with the greatest care; they have for dwellings only miserable huts, for clothing only a blue canvas shirt and a woolen loincloth, for food only bad black bread and onions. The peasant lives in distress, says Volney, but at least he does not enrich his tyrants. The only exception to this habitual state of distress is for the inhabitants of the mountains, whom the Turks have not been able to reach.Syria offers the same spectacle as Egypt; the cities there present nothing but ruins; lands once fertile are converted into deserts; the farmers sow, the artisans work, only to procure what is absolutely necessary for them to live; they hide their meager products with the greatest care; they have for dwellings only miserable huts, for clothing only a blue canvas shirt and a woolen loincloth, for food only bad black bread and onions. The peasant lives in distress, says Volney, but at least he does not enrich his tyrants. The only exception to this habitual state of distress is for the inhabitants of the mountains, whom the Turks have not been able to reach. [^1106]: Niebuhr, Travels in Arabia, volume II, p. 179. [^1107]: If, in the most remote times, Egypt contained eighteen or twenty thousand cities, as Diodorus and Herodotus attest on the faith of the ancient Egyptians, then each square league of land must have contained nine or ten; and as, among them, some were very populous, most could only have been hamlets or at most very small villages. See d’Anville, Memoirs on Ancient and Modern Egypt, p. 28 and 29. [^1108]: Savary, volume I, lett. II, p. 28 and 29. — Sonnini, volume I, ch. VII, p. 114. — Félix Mengin puts the inhabitants of Alexandria, in 1823, at 12,528. [^1109]: Savary, volume I, lett. V, p. 58. [^1110]: D’Anville, Memoirs on Ancient and Modern Egypt. [^1111]: It was under the aristocracy and military despotism of the Romans that the arts, and we can even say civilization, received the most fatal blows, in Europe, Africa, and Asia Minor. This people, at the time of its conquests, had razed to the ground the most flourishing cities and extinguished in almost all states the most enlightened part of the population. When its emperors became Christians, Theodosius, at the instigation of the priests, ordered the overthrow of all temples consecrated to the ancient cults, and the civilized world presented nothing but heaps of ruins. The Egyptians revolted against the execution of this order; but they were vanquished. James Wilson’s History of Egypt, vol. II, b. VI, ch. II, p. 90, 91 and 92. [^1112]: Savary, volume II, lett. XVIII, p. 279. [^1113]: Savary. Ibid. [^1114]: History of Egypt under Mohammed-Aly, volume II, p. 317. It is difficult to believe that from 1779 to 1823, that is, in a space of 44 years, a population of four million decreased by nearly 150,000 individuals. What especially leads me to believe that Savary overestimated the total population of Egypt is the estimate he gives for the population of some particular cities: according to him, Cairo in his time had 900,000 inhabitants; according to M. Mengin it has only 200,000; according to Savary, Damietta had 80,000 souls; according to Mengin, it has only 13,600; a nearly equal difference is found in the estimate of the population of Rosetta. — Savary, volume I, lett. XXII, p. 281 and 282, and volume III, lett. I, p. 15 and 16. — M. Mengin estimated the population by the census of houses carried out by the government. History of Egypt, volume II, p. 315 and 316. [^1115]: Savary, volume II, lett. XVII, p. 279. — D’Anville estimates the extent of Egypt's arable land at only two thousand one hundred square leagues of twenty-five to a degree, including in this area the land occupied by several lakes; he even believes that this number should be reduced to two thousand. Memoirs on Egypt, p. 25 and 26. If, in the time of this country's greatest prosperity, the population rose to eight million inhabitants, each square league contained four thousand. This population is nearly four times greater than that of France; but it will not be found exaggerated, however, if one considers that the very fertile country contained neither mountains, nor woods, nor pastures, nor uncultivated lands, that the inhabitants of hot countries consume a much smaller quantity of food than we do, and that the soil can yield several harvests in the course of the same year. By setting the population of Egypt at eight million, the Nile basin, from the sea to the first cataracts, was populated in the same proportion as the Thames basin is today. [^1116]: Volney, volume I, ch. XII, p. 4, 173 and 174. [^1117]: El Gezzar, the butcher. [^1118]: De Forbin, Voyage in the Levant, p. 70 and 71. [^1119]: Sonnini, volume I, ch. XVI, p. 288 and 289, and volume III, ch. XXXIX, p. 27 and 28. — Savary, volume II, lett. III and V, p. 46, 65 and 66. — Volney, volume I, ch. I, p. 4, and volume II, ch. XXXVII, p. 379. — De Forbin, p. 246. [^1120]: Savary, volume I, lett. XIII, p. 127 and 128. — The cultivators, unable to lose themselves in the crowd like the inhabitants of large cities, fear even more to attract the gaze of powerful men; it is especially among the Arab cultivator that this fear manifests itself. "The money he can hide, which represents all the enjoyments he denies himself, is all he can truly believe is his; thus, the art of burying it is his main study: the bowels of the earth do not reassure him; rubble, rags, the whole livery of misery, it is by representing only these sad objects to the eyes of his masters that he hopes to shield this metal from their greed; it is important for him to inspire pity: not to pity him would be to denounce him; anxious while amassing this dangerous money, troubled when he possesses it, his life is spent between the misfortune of not having any, or the terror of seeing it snatched away." Denon, volume I, p. 90 and 91. [^1121]: Norden, Voyage to Egypt and Nubia, volume I, third part, p. 86. — Sonnini, volume II, ch. XXIV, p. 66 and 67. — Volney, volume I, ch. XII, p. 172 and 173, and volume II, ch. XXXVII, p. 397 and 398. [^1122]: Voyage to Tripoli, or an account of a ten years' residence in Africa, translated from the English by Mac-Carthy, volume I, p. 234 and 235. [^1123]: Denon, volume I, p. 282 and 283. [^1124]: Volney, volume I, ch, XII, p. 177. — In the mountains of Lebanon and Nablus, the peasants, when there is scarcity, gather acorns, and, after having boiled or cooked them under the ashes, they eat them. Ibid., volume II, ch. XXXVII, p. 379. [^1125]: Ibid., volume I, ch. XVII, p. 223. [^1126]: Ibid., p. 217 and 218. [^1127]: Sonnini, volume III, ch. III, p. 314 and 315. — The nature of the soil and climate contributes to producing some of these diseases; but misery and lack of cleanliness are the main causes: the most miserable classes are the most subject to them. [^1128]: Savary, volume I, lett. IV, p. 50 and 51, and volume II, lett. V, p. 65 and 66. — De Forbin, p. 192, 193 and 246. [^1129]: Savary, volume I, lett. XII, p. 18, 19 and following. — Denon, volume I, p. 176, 177 and following. [^1130]: Denon, volume I, p. 176, 177 and following. [^1131]: As confiscation is always a consequence of the death penalty, the slightest offenses committed by rich or well-off persons are punished with the ultimate penalty; individuals who have no property and who, consequently, experience stronger temptations to attack the security of others, are treated much less severely. [^1132]: Sonnini, volume I, ch. VII, p. 118, 119 and 120. — Savary, volume III, lett. II, p. 22 and 23. — This spirit of vengeance, carried to excess, makes the Turks careful not to offend one another, and gives them a kind of politeness. Hasselquist, first part, page 115. [^1133]: Savary, volume I, lett. XII, p. 118, 119 and 120. [^1134]: Denon, volume I, p. 189, 190 and 191. [^1135]: Savary painted a seductive picture of the dances and songs of these "instructors," who, he says, are paid very dearly and only go to the homes of great lords and rich people. (Volume I, lett. XIV, p. 131, 132, 133 and following.) But travelers less fond of the marvelous, or, to speak more accurately, more fond of the truth, have seen in the dances and songs of these women only lessons in the crudest licentiousness and the most disgusting obscenity. Hasselquist, first part, p. 88 and 89. — Sonnini, volume III, ch. LIV, p. 145 and 146. — Volney, volume II, ch. XXXVIII and XL, p. 404, 447 and 448. — Denon, volume I, p. 153, 154 and following. [^1136]: Savary, volume I, lett. XIV, p. 136 and 137. [^1137]: Sonnini, volume II, ch. XXXV, p. 373 and 374. — Volney, volume II, ch. XXXVIII, p, 404. [^1138]: Volney, volume II, ch. XL, p. 41 and 42. [^1139]: Savary, volume III, lett. III, p. 46 and 47. [^1140]: Sonnini, volume II, ch. XXII, p. 23 and 24. — Savary, volume I, lett. XV, p. 138 and 139. — Denon, volume II, p. 198, 199 and 200. Women are slaves wherever their parents, instead of providing them with a dowry when marrying them off, receive a value from the men to whom they deliver them; and this is what happens in Egypt. (Sonnini, volume II, ch. XXXV, p. 377 and 378.) It is clear that a father then delivers his daughter, not to the man she wishes to take as a husband, but to the one who pays the highest price for her; for his part, the individual who has paid to obtain a woman considers her as the equivalent of what he has given, and treats her as an acquired property. [^1141]: Volney, volume II, ch. XL, p. 446 and 447. [^1142]: De Forbin, p. 291. [^1143]: Sonnini, vol. I, ch. XV, p. 277, 278 and 279; vol. III, ch. II, p. 297. [^1144]: Sonnini, volume I, ch. XV, p. 280. [^1145]: If it is a matter of taking their pulse, they present a wrist and hand well wrapped in a cloth, leaving only the space to apply the fingers to the artery; if it is a matter of bleeding them, they want to show only the crook of the arm, and the doctor must use almost violence to get the forearm to remain free; if they have sore eyes, they demand that the doctor cure them without seeing them. "I almost always left these retreats of stupidity," says Sonnini, "my soul filled with indignation against priests who, far from seeking to develop the germs of reason, made even the faintest glimmer of it disappear." Volume III, ch. XLIX, p. 233 and 234. [^1146]: Denon, volume I, p. and 72. [^1147]: J. Bruce, Travels to the Sources of the Nile, volume I, ch. II, p. 159. [^1148]: Savary, lett. VI, volume I, p. 67. — The Quran, volume I, p. 66. [^1149]: Denon, volume I, p. 90 and 91. [^1150]: Denon, volume I, p. 191 and 192. [^1151]: Savary, volume III, lett. II, p. 21. [^1152]: "I lived in Cairo," says Félix Mengin, "for twenty-two years; I never had knowledge of an Egyptian committing one of those crimes of breaking and entering, poisoning, or premeditated murder. They seemed reserved for the Mamluks, as they are now for the Turks." History of Egypt under the government of Mohammed-Aly, volume II, note on page 299. [^1153]: Volney, volume II, ch. XL, p. 448 and 449. [^1154]: It is always the classes that profit from tyranny or live by imposture that most dread any communication of ideas with foreigners. In an insurrection that took place in Cairo during the occupation of that city by the French, the priests and the great men incited the populace to carnage from the top of the minarets; but the small number of people who belonged to the middle class showed themselves to be humane and generous towards the foreigners and saved a great number of them, whatever the differences in customs, religion, and language. Denon, volume I, p. 205 and 206. [^1155]: Sonnini, volume I, ch. XV, p. 266 and 267. [^1156]: Hasselquist, first part, p. 80. — Volney, volume I, ch. XV, page 209. [^1157]: Sonnini, volume II, ch. XXXV, p. 360 and 361. [^1158]: Volney, volume I, ch. XI, p. 153. [^1159]: Sonnini, volume II., ch. XXXIII, p. 305 and 306. [^1160]: Hasselquist, second part, p. 153 and 154, letter to Linnaeus. [^1161]: Niebuhr, Travels in Arabia, volume I, p. 113 and 114, and Description of Arabia, p. 39. — Sonnini, volume II, ch. XXXIII, p. 305 and 306. —Volney, volume I, ch. XV, p. 209. [^1162]: Niebuhr, Travels in Arabia, volume I, p. 113. — Sonnini, volume II, ch. XXXIII, p. 306 and 307. — In England, the last country in Europe where conquerors established themselves, and where ancient usages are more adhered to than elsewhere, the great are often preceded or followed, even when on foot, by servants armed with large, long batons like those of Turkish servants: this custom was doubtless established by the Normans to keep the conquered rabble, too curious to see them, away from their person. [^1163]: Sonnini, volume I, ch. XV, p. 266 and 267. — To feel the extent of the contempt attached to this designation, one must recall the way dogs are regarded in Egypt. The consuls of European powers have managed to obtain authorization to ride on horseback on the day the pasha deigns to give them an audience; on other occasions they are mounted on donkeys, and subjected to the same humiliations as all Christians. Niebuhr, Travels in Arabia, volume I, p. 114. [^1164]: Hasselquist, second part, p. 153 and 154. — In a masquerade held in Rosetta, during Ramadan, in 1978, the chief of the night-soil men appeared disguised as a European: the multitude, upon seeing him appear in this disguise, received him with cries of admiration and joy. (Sonnini, volume III, ch. LIV, p. 367.) When the French army had made itself master of Cairo, the chiefs asked the sheikhs to bring them the almés, whom they wished to see dance. "The government of the country," says Denon, "of whose revenues they were perhaps a part, raised some difficulty in allowing them to come; sullied by the gaze of the infidels, they might diminish in reputation, even lose their status: this can give a measure of the abjection of a Frank in the mind of a Muslim, since what is most dissolute among them can still be profaned by our gaze." Volume I, p. 153, 154 and 155. [^1165]: Savary, lett. XXII, volume I, p. 254 and 255. [^1166]: Norden, Voyage to Egypt and Nubia, third part, volume I, p. 93. — Denon, volume II, p. 81, 82 and 246. [^1167]: Sonnini, volume III, ch. L, p. 274 and 275. [^1168]: Sonnini, volume III, ch. XL, p. 53. — Denon, volume II, p. 271 and 272. [^1169]: Sonnini, volume III, ch. L, p. 274 and 275. [^1170]: Denon, volume II, p. 82 and 83. — In Cairo, if the multitude is miserable, there are at least a certain number of families who live in comfort, and the chiefs possess considerable wealth; but it is not the same in Upper Egypt. Here is the description Sonnini gives of an Arab prince who was visiting his possessions on the ruins of Thebes: "He was an old man, small, very ugly, and completely crippled. I found him under his tent, wrapped in a wretched woolen mandil, all torn and very dirty, which he opened at every moment to spit on his clothes. This disgusting man still had the coquetry to dye his beard red." Volume III, ch. XLVII, p. 209 and 210. [^1171]: Sonnini, volume II, ch. XXXIII, p. 316. [^1172]: Sonnini, volume III, ch. L, p. 277 and 281. — Denon, volume II, p. 267 and 268. [^1173]: Sonnini, volume I, ch. XV, p. 207 and 278. [^1174]: Sonnini, volume I, ch. XV, p. 266 and 267. — Norden, volume I, page 40. [^1175]: Sonnini, volume III, ch. XLIX, p. 243. [^1176]: Denon, volume II, p. 88. [^1177]: Sonnini, volume III, ch. XL and L, p. 53, 27 and 272. — Denon, volume II, p. 82 and 83. — Félix Mengin, History of Egypt, volume I, p. 151. "The skill of the Arab thieves," says M. Jomard, "had become proverbial among the troops of the French expedition: only the audacity of these same men can be compared to it. They would steal weapons, equipment, and horses from the middle of our camps; even the swords from the officers' sides; then they would hide their loot and themselves in forage molds, at the risk of suffocating there. Some of these people have been seen, in Upper Egypt, demolishing the back of houses to rob sleeping soldiers, and this with a promptness and dexterity that allowed one to notice it only when the thief was already far away. Here is an incident I witnessed on the Nile. An Arab who was swimming behind our boat suddenly appeared on the deck and snatched the turban of the räys (pilot), then threw himself into the river, which he crossed entirely, swimming underwater; he then reappeared on the opposite bank, four hundred toises from us." Félix Mengin, History of Egypt, volume I, note on page 441. [^1178]: Sonnini, volume III, ch. XLVIII and LI, p. 231 and 297. [^1179]: Félix Mengin, History of Egypt under the government of Mohammed-Aly, volume I, p. 361, 362 and following. [^1180]: Félix Mengin, volume I, p. 530 and 345; volume II, p. 337. — De Forbin, p. 243 and 244. [^1181]: De Forbin, p. 243 and 244. — Félix Mengin, volume II, p. 375. [^1182]: De Forbin, p. 309. — Félix Mengin, volume II, p. 394. [^1183]: He has already, in fact, extended his domination to the center of Arabia, where it had never been known; he is the most terrible instrument the sultan uses to oppress the Greeks, and there is no doubt that, if he lives long enough, he will destroy the little independence that the inhabitants of the mountains of Syria had always preserved. [^1184]: Voyage in the Levant, in 1817 and 1818, p. 250. [^1185]: De Forbin, Voyage in the Levant, p. 247 and 248. [^1186]: Ibid., p. 309. [^1187]: Ibid., p. 209 and 210. [^1188]: Ibid., p. 249 and 300. [^1189]: People who admire this pasha have found a great analogy between him and Napoleon Bonaparte: "One cannot help," says M. Jomard, "being struck by the presence of mind and firmness that burst forth in the viceroy's words; it seems one recognizes in them the language of a too-famous conqueror who exercised such a great influence over his contemporaries, by the sole ascendancy of his character and his policy. One will also notice other points of resemblance between them. The viceroy is of a more than medium height; his decisions are sudden; his marches prompt, unexpected. Add to these common traits a violent and impetuous temper." History of Egypt by Félix Mengin, volume I, note on page 447.M. Jomard could have pushed the parallel much further: he could have compared the art with which the pasha deceived and destroyed the Mamluks, to the art with which Bonaparte deceived and ruined the friends of liberty; the art that the latter employed in making the arts flourish and in debasing men, in expanding industry and in drawing its products to himself through taxes; to the art with which the former executed the same designs; finally, he could have compared the war the pasha wages against the Greeks to subject them to Turkish despotism, to the wars Bonaparte waged against the republics he found established, to subject them to imperial despotism. [^1190]: The couffes (straw bags) are bags made of straw widely used in Asia. [^1191]: Volney, volume II, ch. XL, p. 438. [^1192]: Ibid., volume I, ch. XII, p. 184 and 185. [^1193]: Volney, volume I, ch. XII, p. 185 and 186. [^1194]: Denon, volume I, p. 322. [^1195]: Savary, volume III, lett. I, p. 2. [^1196]: Denon, volume I, p. 192 and 193. [^1197]: Ibid., volume II, p. 267 and 268. [^1198]: Denon, volume II, p. 267 and 28. [^1199]: Denon, volume II, p. 26 and 278. — The changes in customs produced by the establishment or destruction of despotism are sometimes very rapid. "The government of Brazil," says a traveler, "appears entirely despotic, and it is painful to see that, under such a domination, even the English lose that frank liberty which characterizes them." MacLeod, Voyage of the Alceste, ch. I, p. 9. [^1200]: D’Anville, Memoirs on Ancient and Modern Egypt, page 30. [^1201]: Norden, Voyage to Egypt and Nubia, third part, volume I, p. 93. [^1202]: Poiret, Voyage in Barbary, or Letters written from ancient Numidia, during the years 1785 and 1786, volume I, lett. XXIX, p. 210, 211 and 212. — Voyage to Tripoli, or an account of a ten years' residence in Africa, translated from the English by Mac-Carthy, volume I, page 10. [^1203]: Poiret, volume I, lett. XV, p. 92, 93 and 94. [^1204]: Voyage to Tripoli, or an account of a ten years' residence in Africa, volume I, p. 93, and volume II, p. 72 and 109. [^1205]: Voyage to Tripoli, volume I, p. 5. [^1206]: Voyage to Tripoli, volume I, p. 11 and 14. — Poiret, volume I, lett. XV, p. 94, 95 and 96. [^1207]: Poiret, volume I, lett. XXII, p. 157. — Voyage to Tripoli, volume II, page 206. [^1208]: Poiret, volume I, lett. XXI, p. 140, 141 and 142. — Voyage to Tripoli, volume I, p. 258. [^1209]: Poiret, volume I, lett. XXI, p. 143 and 144. [^1210]: Poiret, lett. X, XVIII and XXI, p. 62, 115, 142 and 143. [^1211]: Poiret, volume I, lett. XV, p. 92 and 93. [^1212]: Poiret, volume I, lett. XXII. [^1213]: Policing is carried out in Constantinople in exactly the same manner as in Cairo. I have previously described the customs of the peoples of Arabia. If the reader wishes to know those of the peoples of the Black Sea coast, he may consult the first two volumes of Chardin's Travels. [^1214]: Regnard, Voyage to Lapland, p. 101, 103, 109, 112, 157, 193 and 206. [^1215]: Formerly, the Russians, in their negotiations, always tried to have a falsified copy of the treaties they signed signed by deceit, and they would swear on this false copy, believing they were thereby evading the faith of the oath. Rulhière, History of the Anarchy of Poland, volume II, book VIII, p. 552. [^1216]: Levesque, History of Russia, volume I, pages 76, 77 and 85; volume III, p. 87 and 88. [^1217]: Rulhière, History of the Anarchy of Poland, volume III, book IX, p. 138 and 140. [^1218]: Levesque, History of Russia, volume II, p. 59 to 77. [^1219]: History of the Anarchy of Poland, volume IV, book XII, p. 13 and 14. [^1220]: Levesque, History of Russia, volume III, p. 71, 72, 73, 150 and 153; volume IV, p. 217, 220 and 222. [^1221]: Rulhière, History of the Anarchy of Poland, volume II, book V, p. 76, and volume III, book IX, p. 67.

Here were the amusements of a Russian prince at the end of the sixteenth century:

"Sometimes, when the czar saw a crowd of people gathered, he would have the most vigorous and voracious bears of his menagerie released. He would laugh with his son at the terror of the unfortunate people pursued by these ferocious animals, at the grief of the husbands whose wives they carried off, at the cries of the weak mothers who saw their children suffocated and torn apart without being able to help them. If the relatives of this barbarian's victims came to complain, it was thought a mercy to give them some money, and to assure them that the prince and his son had been well amused." Levesque, History of Russia, volume III, p. 149 and 150. [^1222]: Levesque, History of Russia, volume I, p. 398 and 199, and volume III, p. 145, 157, 158, 222 and 225. [^1223]: History of the Anarchy of Poland, volume IV, p. 318. — Levesque, volume IV, p. 120. [^1224]: Levesque, History of Russia, volume III, p. 162 and 165, and volume IV, p. 119 and 131. [^1225]: Levesque, volume III, p. 164 and 165. [^1226]: The picture that Rulhière drew of the court of the celebrated Catherine can give us an idea of the customs of a nation where the conduct of the great serves as an example to all the rest: "Although the gentleness of this last reign," says this historian, "had given some refinement of spirit and some decency to the customs, the time was not far off when this barbarous court had celebrated with a festival the wedding of a jester to a goat. The new court thus easily took on the air and tone of a joyous guardroom."

But what was this decency that the last reign had given to the customs? The same historian will tell us; he says, speaking of the grand duke, husband of the illustrious Catherine:

"He had taken the envoy of this prince (of the King of Prussia, Frederick II) into a singular favor. He wanted this envoy, before departing for the war, to have all the young women of the court. He would lock him up with them, stand, with a naked sword, as a sentry at the door; and at such a moment, the grand chancellor of the empire having arrived for some work, he said to him: Go and report to Prince George; you can see that I am a soldier." History of the Anarchy of Poland, volume IV, p. 318 and 345. [^1227]: Rulhière, volume IV, p. 341 and 342. [^1228]: Levesque, volume III, p. 179. [^1229]: Raynal, Philosophical History, volume X, book XIX, p. 47 and 48. — Levesque, volume IV, p. 215. [^1230]: Rulhière, History of the Anarchy of Poland, volume III, book IX, page 145. [^1231]: Ibid., volume IV, p. 300.* — Ibid.,* volume II, book VIII, p. 553. [^1232]: Rulhière, History of the Anarchy of Poland, volume III, book X, p. 316. — Volney, who painted such a terrible picture of the servitude of the subjects of the sultans of Constantinople, in Syria and in Egypt, nevertheless thought that they were less enslaved than the Russians. "In Syria and even throughout the Turkish empire," he says, "the peasants are, like all other inhabitants, considered slaves of the sultan; but this term only carries our sense of subjects. Although master of property and life, the sultan does not sell men, he does not bind them to a fixed place. If he gives an appanage to some great man, one does not say, as in Poland and Russia, that he gives five hundred peasants; in a word, the peasants are oppressed by the tyranny of the government, but not degraded by feudal serfdom." Travels in Syria and Egypt, volume II, ch. XXXVII, p. 372. [^1233]: Rulhière, History of the Anarchy of Poland, volume III, book IX, pages 144 and 145. [^1234]: History of the Anarchy of Poland, volume III, book IX, p. 67. [^1235]: Rulhière, volume III, book IX, p. 93 and 94. [^1236]: Rulhière, History of the Anarchy of Poland, volume I, book III, p. 220, and volume II, book VIII, p. 556 and 557. — The picture Raynal paints of Poland, before its subjugation, gives a very unfavorable idea of the customs of its inhabitants: "Travel through these vast regions," he says, "what will you find there? Royal dignity with the name of a republic; the splendor of the throne with the powerlessness to be obeyed; an excessive love of independence with all the baseness of servitude; liberty with cupidity; laws with anarchy; the most extreme luxury with the greatest indigence; a fertile soil with fallow fields; a taste for the arts without any art." Philosophical History, volume X, book IX, pages 50 and 60. [^1237]: M. Al. de Humboldt found the state of the Indians enslaved by the Spanish less miserable than the state of the peasants of Courland, Russia, and a part of northern Germany. Political Essay, volume II, book II, ch. VI, p. 421. [^1238]: Robertson, vol. II, b. IV, p. 23 and 24; p. 365, note XI. [^1239]: The same observation has been made in Africa: Colonel Gordon has ascertained that from the Cape of Good Hope to the twenty-first degree of south latitude the ground rises to a height of two thousand meters (one thousand toises). Labillardière, volume I, p. 89. [^1240]: Vol. II, b. IV, p. 23 and 24. [^1241]: Vol. II, b. IV, p. 338 and 139. [^1242]: We find nearly the same social physiognomy in all peoples placed in analogous circumstances, whatever the race to which they belong. The same analogy is found in animals, and even in plants, even when they belong to different species. "Even when nature does not produce the same species under analogous climates, either in the plains on isothermal parallels, or on plateaus whose temperature approaches that of places closer to the poles, one nevertheless observes a striking resemblance of bearing and physiognomy in the vegetation of the most distant regions. — This phenomenon is one of the most curious presented by the history of organic forms." De Humboldt, Voyage to the Equinoctial Regions, vol. IV, book IV, ch. XII, p. 228. [^1243]: This explains how enlightened men, placed in a false position, have vices despite their enlightenment; and how ignorant men, placed in a happier position, often have good habits despite their ignorance. This also explains the little success obtained by missionaries who imagined that, to correct the savages of their vices, it was enough to preach to them, and to teach them dogmas. [^1244]: All the waters that France pours into the Mediterranean or the Ocean arrive there by four rivers, and by a few inconsiderable streams, and the French language is spoken by only a sixth of the population. [^1245]: Montesquieu, having observed that the most numerous populations are often found in seaports, sought the causes of this phenomenon: he clearly perceived that the ease of procuring subsistence there contributed to it; but he suspected that there was an even more powerful cause: "Perhaps," he says, "the oily parts of fish are more suited to provide that matter that serves for generation. This would be one of the causes of that infinite number of people in Japan and China, where they live almost entirely on fish. If this were so, certain monastic rules, which oblige one to live on fish, would be contrary to the spirit of the legislator himself." The Spirit of the Laws, book XXIII, ch. XIII. — It seems that in the eyes of this famous philosopher, the obstacles to population growth were less in the difficulty of feeding and raising children, than in the difficulty of engendering them. One cannot conceive how it could have entered the mind of a man as judicious as Montesquieu, that a people as numerous as that of China, which inhabits an immense and very fertile territory, and which cultivates it all with the same care that we cultivate our gardens, lives almost entirely on fish. The Eskimos, the Greenlanders, the natives of New Holland, the inhabitants of Tierra del Fuego, those of the northwest coasts of America and those of Kamchatka live only on fish; why are they not as numerous as the Chinese? [^1246]: Governments have sometimes attempted to fix for themselves the places where cities would be built; but their decrees have remained without effect, whenever the position and nature of the places have not attracted or multiplied the population. Several examples of this are found in the United States of America, and particularly in the State of Virginia. A writer who has shown himself to be at once a learned philosopher and a skilled statesman has expressed the influence of places in terms as short as they are energetic. After having enumerated the cities of Virginia, he said: "There are other places at which, like some of the foregoing, the laws have said there shall be towns; but nature has said there shall not, and they remain unworthy of enumeration." Jefferson’s Notes on the state of Virginia, Query XII, page 175.

M. de Humboldt made an analogous observation in South America:

"It is the aspect of the country," he says, "which contributes powerfully to the more or less rapid progress of the missions. They extend slowly into the interior of the lands, in mountains or steppes, everywhere they do not follow the course of a river." Voyage to the Equinoctial Regions, volume VI, book VI, ch. XVIII, p. 164.M. de Humboldt made an analogous observation in South America: "It is the aspect of the country," he says, "which contributes powerfully to the more or less rapid progress of the missions. They extend slowly into the interior of the lands, in mountains or steppes, everywhere they do not follow the course of a river." Voyage to the Equinoctial Regions, volume VI, book VI, ch. XVIII, p. 164.

[^1247]: Would this tendency, or, to put it better, this need that peoples feel to first move to the mouths of large or small rivers, to follow their banks and to spread into the valleys that carry their waters to them, not explain the division of languages and the dialects that derive from them? Languages are formed only as intelligence develops, as knowledge extends, as ideas multiply. The language of a people who have made no more progress than the natives of Van Diemen's Land or Tierra del Fuego is necessarily reduced to a very small number of words. Now, let us suppose a people in such a barbarous state, heading for the coasts of France, taking possession of the mouths of the Seine, the Loire, and the Garonne, and gradually spreading along the shores of these rivers; after a few centuries they will no longer understand one another, although the three languages that will have been formed by the progress they will have made will have a certain number of common roots. Peoples, after having divided by moving to the mouths of rivers, can subdivide by following the course of the streams that carry their waters to them, and from this subdivision new dialects can arise. [^1248]: Raynal, vol. I, book II, p. 403. [^1249]: Barrow, Voyage into the Southern Part of Africa, vol. I, p. 34 and 35 of the introduction. [^1250]: All the vegetables that grow in Europe, with the exception of asparagus and artichoke, grow at the Cape of Good Hope (Levaillant, first Voyage, vol. I, p. 18.); but most European fruits, such as pears, apples, cherries, currants, and hazelnuts, degenerate there in a short time; the trees bear no fruit, or only fruit of poor quality; the vegetables also degenerate promptly, and seeds need to be brought from Europe; the vine, the orange tree, the fig tree, and the almond tree are the only ones that yield good fruit there. The southeast wind, which prevails there for three months, presents almost invincible obstacles to agriculture:

"This wind," says Levaillant, "dries out the earth to the point of rendering it incapable of any kind of cultivation; it blows with such fury that, to preserve the plants, one is obliged to surround every garden plot with a strong hornbeam hedge. The same is done for young trees, which, despite these precautions, never grow branches on the windward side, and always bend to the opposite side, which gives them a sad appearance; in general, it is very difficult to raise them. — I have often witnessed the ravages of this wind; in the space of twenty-four hours, the best-stocked gardens are laid waste and swept clean." Levaillant, first Voyage, vol. I, p. 17 and 18. — Thunberg, ch. II, p. 16 and 17.

Levaillant attempted to penetrate into the interior of Africa by way of the Cape of Good Hope; but, if the description he gave of the country is accurate, it is even more difficult to travel there than in the sandy deserts; the soil is covered with crystallized salt whose effects are to destroy one's sight and to make the rainwater that falls there undrinkable. See the second Voyage, vol. III, p. 128 et seq. [^1251]: Raynal, vol. I, book II, p. 402, 403 and 404. — Barrow, Voyage into the Southern Part of Africa, vol. II, ch. V, p. 114, 115 and 116. [^1252]: Cook, first Voyage, vol. IV, book III, ch. XIV, p. 374, 375 and 376. — Sparrman, vol. I, ch. VI; p. 325 and 326, and vol. II, ch. VIII, p. 8 and 9. — Thunberg, ch. III, p. 96. — L. Degrandpré, vol. II, p. 172 and 173. — Barrow, vol. II, ch. IV, p. 59 and 60, and ch. V, p. 114 and 115. — "We have not seen," says Cook, "during our voyage, after having traversed a large part of the globe, any country that presents a more deserted aspect, and which in fact is more sterile than the Cape." Ibid. — Barrow estimates that seven-tenths of the country bear no trace of greenery. Ibid. [^1253]: Although two of the most intelligent and industrious peoples of Europe, the Dutch and the English, have employed their capital and their industry to make the soil of the Cape fertile, this country can barely provide the grain necessary for the subsistence of its small population. It is necessary to import timber from Batavia, and although food is very expensive there, it costs as much to heat oneself as to feed oneself. Cook, first Voyage, vol. IV, book III, ch. XIV, p. 376. — Barrow, vol. II, ch. IV, pages 59 and 60. [^1254]: Cook, third Voyage, book I, ch. VI, vol. I, p. 220. — Bligh, ch. IV, p. 71. — Dentrecasteaux, vol. I, ch. IV and XII, p. 54 and 268. — Labillardière, vol. I, ch. V, p. 131, 133 and 164, and vol. II, ch. X, p. 19, 20 and 21. — Péron, vol. I, book III, ch. XII and XIII, p. 231, 232 and 264. [^1255]: Dentrecasteaux, vol. I, ch. II, p. 51. — Péron, vol. I, book III, chapter XII, page 239 and 245. — Bligh, chapter IV, p. 66. [^1256]: Labillardière, vol. I, ch. V, p. 128, 129 and 116. — Péron, vol. I, book III, ch. XI, p. 233. [^1257]: Cook, third Voyage, book I, ch. VI, vol. I, p. 222 and 224, and book III, ch. IX, vol. IV, p. 109. — Labillardière, vol. II, ch. X, p. 10, 19, 20 and 25. — Freycinet, book II, ch. I, p. 40 and 41. [^1258]: Cook, third Voyage, book I, ch. VI, vol. I, p. 27, 28 and 225. — Dentrecasteaux, vol. I, ch. XI, p. 267. — Labillardière, vol. II, ch. X and XI, p. 7, 65 and 79. — Péron, vol. I, book III, ch. XIII, p. 301. [^1259]: The cubic foot of this wood, when green, says Hamelin in his journal, weighs no less than 79 1/2 pounds, or about 39 kg. (L. Freycinet, book II, ch. I, p. 40.) — No more is needed to explain how the natives of Van Diemen's Land never built boats, and how they confined themselves to navigating their bays on pieces of tree bark tied together. [^1260]: Dentrecasteaux, vol. I, ch. VI, p. 222. — Labillardière, vol. I, ch. IX, p. 424. [^1261]: Péron, vol. I, book II, ch. V, p. 81. [^1262]: Labillardière, vol. I, ch. IX, p. 381, 382, 383 and 384. [^1263]: Dentrecasteaux, vol. I, ch. IX, p. 198 and 199. [^1264]: Dampier, vol. II, ch. XVI, p. 140, 143 and 144. — Cook, first Voyage, book III, ch. VI, vol. IV, p. 127. — White, p. 98, 129, 130 and 189. — Phillip, ch. XIII, p. 136. [^1265]: Cook, first Voyage, book III, ch. IV, vol. IV, p. 22 and 40. — Phillip, ch. XI, p. 118 and 119. [^1266]: Cook, first Voyage, book III, ch. I and II, vol. III, p. 393, 391, 444 and 445. — White, p. 125, 129 and 331. — Phillip, ch. XI, pages 123 and 119. [^1267]: Cook, first Voyage, book III, ch. III, vol. IV, p. 1 and 2. [^1268]: Vol. I, ch. VI, p. 222. [^1269]: Péron, vol. I, book III, ch. XIX, p. 412 and 413. [^1270]: Ibid, ch. XII and XIX, p. 260 and 397. [^1271]: Ibid, vol. II, book V, ch. XXXVIII, p. 369 and 368. [^1272]: Freycinet, book II, ch. IX, p. 287. — Labillardière, vol. I, ch. V, p. 131, 132 and 162. — Cook, first Voyage, book III, ch. I, vol. III, p. 406, and ch. VI, vol. IV, p. 128. — White, Voyage to New South Wales, p. 114. [^1273]: White, Voyage to New South Wales, p. 164 and 165. — Phillip, Voyage to Botany Bay, ch. VII, p. 71 and 72. [^1274]: Dentrecasteaux, vol. I, ch. IV, p. 212. — Péron, vol. I, book II, ch. V, p. 78, 79 and 93, and book II, ch. XX, p. 463; vol. II, book V, ch. XXXVII, p. 358. — L. Freycinet, book II, ch. III, IV, V and IX, p. 142, 150, 161, 287 and 288. — Dampier, vol. II, ch. XVI, p. 140, 142 and 143. [^1275]: Labillardière, vol. I, ch. IX, p. 414, 415 and 416. — Péron, vol. I, book III, ch. XVII, p. 353, and vol. II, book IV, ch. XXVI, p. 130. [^1276]: The dog, which several peoples of the Pacific Ocean raise, can offer only little sustenance, because it itself feeds only on foods that man can consume. The only animals that little-civilized peoples can usefully multiply are those that feed on matter by which men cannot live, such as herbivores. [^1277]: Dentrecasteaux, vol. I, ch. IV, p. 212. — Labillardière, vol. I, ch. IX, p. 412. — Péron, book II, ch. V and IX, p. 78, 79 and 183; vol. II, book IV, ch. XXIV, p. 76. — Freycinet, book II, ch. III and IX, p. 142 and 288. — Cook, first Voyage, book III, ch. V, vol. IV, p. 74 and 75. — Dampier, vol. III, ch. XVI, p. 140. — Phillip, p. 177 and 225. — White, p. 166 and 171. — Broughton, vol. I, book I, ch. I, p. 32. [^1278]: Labillardière, vol. I, ch. V, p. 156 and 157. — Péron, vol. I, book II, ch. IX, p. 383. [^1279]: Dentrecasteaux, vol. I, ch. IX, p. 200. — L. Freycinet, book II, ch. IV, p. 148. — Cook, first Voyage, book III, ch. IV and V, vol. IV, p. 27, 33, 41, 52, 76, 133, 134 and 135. [^1280]: L. Freycinet, book II, ch. IX, p. 289. — Dampier, vol. III, ch. XVI, p. 140. — White, p. 169. — Phillip, ch. XI, p. 130. [^1281]: New Holland, like Africa, has rivers that appear to form interior lakes; but the means of communication they offer are no less limited in one continent than in the other. [^1282]: Niebuhr, Description of Arabia, vol. II, sect. XXIX, ch. II, p. 334, 335 and 336. — D’Anville, Memoir on the Arabian Gulf. [^1283]: The Arabs cultivate rice, wheat, maize, barley, dates, and many other plants. See, on the type of their cultivation and on the quantity of products they obtain from it, Félix Mengin, History of Egypt under Mohammed-Aly, vol. II, p. 165 et seq. [^1284]: Niebuhr, Description of Arabia, vol. II, sect. XXIX, ch. II, page 336. [^1285]: Montesquieu, who thought that a cold climate is apt to give man a large body, also thought that it is by choice and taste that the peoples of cold countries are hunters and nomads:

"In the countries of the North," he says, "a healthy and well-constituted machine, but a heavy one, finds its pleasures in everything that can set the spirits in motion: hunting, travels, war." One might as well say that the cold that reigns in the deserts of Shamo and Gobi inspires in the inhabitants a disgust for rural life and for the cultivation of the vine. [^1286]: Volney, A View of the Climate and Soil of the United States, vol. I, ch. XI, p. 286 and 297. — Mackenzie, first Voyage, vol. III, p. 336 and 344. — De Humboldt, Political Essay, vol. II, book III, ch. VIII, p. 479. — Jefferson’s Notes on the state of Virginia, query VII, page 134. [^1287]: Men have an almost invincible tendency to believe that all the animals and all the plants they classify under the same denomination are descended from two individuals who were the type of the species. The books that serve as the basis for the Christian religion, having taught us that men descend from two common parents, we cannot help but extend this belief to each species of beast and even to each species of plant. Hence the research of scholars to discover the place in which the first father of sheep, the first mother of donkeys, or even the first mustard seed was created. This research presupposes the resolution of a question that is not resolved, and which probably never will be. The American continent, when it was discovered, contained a multitude of animals and plants that could not have propagated there either from the north of Asia or by the currents of the seas: how then did they arrive there? [^1288]: Charlevoix, N.F., vol. III, book XVII, p. 319. — Lahontan, vol. I, lett. II, p. 13. [^1289]: Mackenzie, first Voyage, vol. I, p. 302, and vol. II, ch. IV and V, p. 27, 28, 43, 44, 45 and 49. [^1290]: The variations in temperature are so considerable that in Philadelphia, after a winter like those of Prussia, one has a summer like those of Naples. Strictly speaking, spring is not known in America; one passes suddenly from extreme cold to extreme heat. Often in the United States the temperature varies, in the space of a few hours, by twelve or fifteen degrees on the Réaumur scale. Jefferson’s Notes on the state of Virginia, query VII, p. 130, 131 and 132. — Larochefoucault-Liancourt, second part, vol. IV, p. 54, and fourth part, p. 118 and 119. — Volney, A View of the Climate and Soil of the United States, vol. I, ch. XI. — De Humboldt, New Spain, vol. IV, book V, ch. XI, p. 528. — Weld, Travels Through Canada, vol. I, ch. XVII, pages 278 and 281. [^1291]: It must not be forgotten that, by the degree of cold, this latitude corresponds approximately to the seventy-eighth in Europe. [^1292]: Ellis, p. 197, 217 and 320. — Mackenzie, first Voyage, vol. II, ch. IV and V, p. 26, 27 and 28, and vol. III, p. 336 and 337. — Volney, A View, etc., vol. I, ch. II, p. 9, 10, 11 and 12. [^1293]: Buffon claimed that America contained only a third of the animals of the old continent; it results, on the contrary, from the comparative table of the quadrupeds of the old and new worlds, given by Jefferson, that the species are more numerous in the latter than in the former. (Notes on the state of Virginia, query VI, p. 77 and 78.) — The individuals belonging to each species, if one makes an exception for domestic animals, were also infinitely more numerous in America than in the other parts of the world: to be convinced of this, it is enough to know the immense quantity of furs that the French and the English have drawn from Canada. See Lahontan, vol. I, lett. IV, VI and XI, p. 36, 69 and 80. — Charlevoix, N.F., vol. III, book XII, XIV and XV, p. 18, 83, 159 and 194. — Hennepin, p. 3 and 4. — Ellis, p. 269. — Mackenzie, first Voyage, vol. I, p. 59 and 60. [^1294]: "The vast kingdom of New Spain, carefully cultivated," says M. de Humboldt, "would alone produce everything that commerce gathers from the rest of the globe: sugar, cochineal, cocoa, cotton, coffee, wheat, hemp, flax, silk, oils, and wine." Political Essay on New Spain, vol. I, book I, ch. II, p. 304 and 315.

The communications that the Mexicans had with their neighbors, which might have sufficed for little-advanced peoples, are today insufficient for a large commerce: this country, on its eastern side, lacks ports.The communications that the Mexicans had with their neighbors, which might have sufficed for less advanced peoples, are today insufficient for large-scale trade: this country, on its eastern side, lacks ports. [^1295]: Charlevoix, N.F., vol. I, book I, p. 45; vol. II, book X, p. 251, and vol. III, book XII, p. 18 and 19. — Lahontan, vol. II, p. 57, 58 and 60. — Hennepin, p. 2, 3, 88 and 89. — M. de Humboldt believes that the vine was not found in America upon the arrival of the Europeans. (Political Essay on New Spain, vol. II, book III, ch. VI, p. 441.) However, Charlevoix, Hennepin, and Lahontan assert that they found on the banks of the Mississippi, in the woods of Florida and in others, vines that grew there naturally, which spread over the trees and bore excellent fruit. According to Lahontan, the wine made from them, after having fermented for a long time, was as black as ink and was of the same quality as that of the Canaries. [^1296]: Depons, vol. I, ch. II, p. 123, and vol. III, ch. XI, p. 301. — De Humboldt, Voyage to the Equinoctial Regions, vol. VI, books VI and VII, ch. XVI and XIX, p. 106, 245 and 373. [^1297]: Voyage to the Equinoctial Regions, vol. VI, book VII, ch. XIX, p. 373, 374 and 395. [^1298]: De Humboldt, Voyage to the Equinoctial Regions, vol. VI, book VI, ch. XVIII, p. 167 and 168. [^1299]: Stedman, vol. II, ch. XX, p. 263, 266 and 267. — Raynal, vol. VI, book XII, p. 391, and vol. VII, book XI, p. 52. [^1300]: Raynal, vol. VI, book XII, p. 391. [^1301]: De Humboldt, Views of Nature, vol. I, p. 19 and 20. [^1302]: De Humboldt, Voyage to the Equinoctial Regions, vol. VI, book VI, ch. XVII, p. 44 and 45. [^1303]: De Humboldt, Voyage to the Equinoctial Regions, vol. VI, book VI, ch. XVII, p. 167. [^1304]: Stedman, vol. III, ch. XXVIII, p. 137. — De Humboldt, Political Essay on New Spain, vol. I, book V, ch. XII, p. 495 and 496. [^1305]: Dauxion-Lavaysse, vol. I, ch. VI, p. 301. [^1306]: Ulloa, Philosophical Discourses, disc. IX, p. 202, 209 and 210. [^1307]: Azara, vol. I, book V, p. 103 and 104. — De Humboldt, Voyage to the Equinoctial Regions, vol. IV, book IV, ch. XI, p. 57. [^1308]: Bougainville, vol. I, first part, ch. IX, p. 184. — Cook, first Voyage, book I, ch. IV, p. 323, 324 et seq. [^1309]: Cook, second Voyage, book I, ch. V, vol. II, p. 338 and 343, and vol. V, ch. VII, p. 258. [^1310]: It seems that the North Americans cultivated no species of fruit tree. This type of cultivation, in cold or temperate climates, is always the last progress made by agricultural peoples. I see several reasons for this: the first is that trees bear fruit only after several years of care, and where property is poorly established, one cultivates only those things that can be enjoyed immediately; the second is that the product of fruit trees is very uncertain wherever the temperature of the atmosphere is subject to great variations; the third is the impossibility of preserving fruits for a long time, as long as one has only huts for lodging. The cultivation of fruit trees is a luxury that European peoples who believe themselves to be very civilized do not always afford themselves: one should not be surprised, therefore, if the natives of America had not yet reached that point.

We have seen that in Peru, almost no fish were found; not many could be found in Mexico, since it lacks large rivers; but what is remarkable is that, according to Ulloa, the Mississippi, which is one of the largest rivers on the American continent and which carries its waters into the Gulf of Mexico, has little fish, and that which is found there is of poor quality. Ulloa, Philosophical Discourses, vol. I, disc. IX, p. 215 and 216. [^1311]: Dampier, vol. I, ch. V, p. 103. — De Humboldt, Voyage to the Equinoctial Regions, vol. VI, book VII, ch. XVII, p. 43 and 44. — Political Essay on New Spain, vol. II, book III, ch. VIII, p. 424 and 425. — La Pérouse, vol. II, ch. VII, p. 203 and 204. — Fleurieu, Voyage of Captain Marchand, vol. II, ch. IV and V, p. 22, 23 and 214. — Cook, third Voyage, book IV, ch. II, vol. V, p. 75. — G. Dixon, vol. II, p. 5 and 6. [^1312]: Cook, first Voyage, book II, ch. III and IX; vol. III, p. 100, 306 and 307. — Second Voyage, ch. V, vol. I, p. 344, 345 and 347, and book II, ch. V, vol. II, p. 481, and third Voyage, book I, ch. VIII, p. 304 and 329. [^1313]: Cook, third Voyage, book II, ch. II, vol. II, p. 71, 72 and 73. — Edifying and Curious Letters, vol. XV, p. 196 and 298. — President de Brosses, Voyages to the Austral Lands, vol. II, p. 443 et seq. — De Humboldt, Voyage to the Equinoctial Regions, vol. I, book I, ch. I, p. 141 and 142. See this last work, p. 123 and 153, on the effects of currents or the Gulf Stream. [^1314]: Voyage to the Equinoctial Regions, vol. III, book III, ch. VIII, p. 251. [^1315]: De Humboldt, New Spain, vol. III, book IV, ch. IX, p. 146. [^1316]: The American continent, at the time it was discovered, contained various species of large animals, and several peoples lived partly on the products of the hunt; but in the islands situated to the east of this continent, no animal was found whose size exceeded that of the rabbit, although these islands are much closer to the eastern coasts than the archipelagos of the Pacific Ocean inhabited by Malays are to the western coasts or the coasts of Asia. [^1317]: Caesar, B.G., lib. V, cap. IV. [^1318]: In France, the most civilized peoples, in the time of the Romans, were, in general, those who lived on the shores of the Mediterranean; they were colonies formed by the Phocaeans. In England, the most civilized peoples, in the time of Caesar, were those who inhabited the coasts opposite France and Belgium; they were Belgian colonies: they took the name of the cities from which they had come. (Caesar, B.G., lib. V, cap. IV.) The most barbarous peoples were the highlanders of Scotland and the Irish. (Gibbon’s History of the decline and fall of the roman empire, ch. XIII, vol. II, p. 129.) In Germania, the peoples who had made the most progress were the Usipetes; according to Caesar's opinion, they were the most civilized, because, bordering the Rhine, they were frequently visited by merchants, and the vicinity of the Gauls had given them a taste for their customs. (Bell. Gall., l. IV, cap. I.) [^1319]: The Romans had observed, before us, that in England the climate is more temperate, and the cold less harsh than in Gaul. Caesar, B.G., lib. V, cap. IV. [^1320]: This type of industry, on which the nature of the soil and climate exercises such a great influence, had already been carried very far, before the country was invaded by the Romans. In the interior of the island, little wheat was sown; they lived on dairy and the flesh of animals. According to Caesar's report, the population there was immense and the livestock very numerous. Bell. Gall., lib. V, cap. IV. [^1321]: By comparing the quantity of meat that each individual consumes daily in England, to the quantity that each individual consumes in France, it has been found that the former consumes much more than the latter; from this, it has been concluded that the working class was less miserable in England than in France. If one had compared the quantity of wine, fruit, vegetables, and bread consumed per individual in the latter country, to the quantity of the same commodities consumed in the former, I have no doubt that a much greater difference would have been found. Each person consumes the products offered by the soil he inhabits; and the most miserable is he who, to satisfy his needs, is obliged to go to the most trouble or to perform the most work. [^1322]: The members of the English government, in the honors they rendered to Watt after his death, recognized that the English nation would have been incapable of sustaining the struggle that had begun between it and France, without the strength and riches that steam engines had given them.

I do not say that France cannot engage in the same type of industry as England, if it possesses the same capabilities; but if it did not possess them, it would be no more reasonable for it to want to compete with England in this regard, than it would be reasonable for England to cover its soil with hothouses to rival France in the sale of wines. A people who, by the nature of its soil, harvests raw materials, such as flax, wool, cotton, silk, and who wants to take up the trade of a manufacturer without possessing the means, resembles a farmer who, after having gathered the wheat necessary for his consumption, would have it ground in coffee grinders by his servants, in order to make for himself the profits of the miller whose millstones are set in motion by a current of water. [^1323]: I have shown elsewhere that it is for not having taken these various circumstances into account, and for not having observed the differences that exist between England and France, that foolish enterprises have been undertaken in the latter country. On the Guarantees Offered to Capital and Other Kinds of Property, by the Procedures of the Legislative Chambers in Industrial Enterprises, etc. (1826), ch. I, p. 14 et seq. [^1324]: England, which, at the time the Romans conquered it, could barely reimburse them for the costs of establishment, was for them an invaluable acquisition a century and a half later: almost all the praises they gave it could suit it: “The Romans celebrated, and perhaps magnified, the extent of that noble island, provided on every side with convenient harbours: the temperature of the climate, and the fertility of the soil, alike adapted for the production of corn or of wines; the valuable minerals with which it abounded; its rich pastures covered with innumerable flocks and its woods free from wild beast or venomous serpents.” The History of the decline and fall, etc., chapter XIII, vol. II, p. 124 and 125. [^1325]: I am obliged, in order not to exceed the limits I have set for myself, to neglect several circumstances which, without being as important as those I have observed, nevertheless exercise a great influence on the physical faculties of men, and, consequently, on their moral and intellectual faculties: such are, for example, the nature of foods, which itself depends on many circumstances external to man; the rapid variations in the temperature of the atmosphere, which appear to hasten old age in men and especially in the women who experience them; the nature and direction of the winds, which, in certain places, make existence so easy or so arduous, the mind so active or so sluggish; the quality of the waters or the nature of the air which favor the development of man, or which render him deformed and stupid, as in some valleys of Switzerland and Tartary, etc. [^1326]: Macartney, Voyage to China and Tartary, vol. III, ch. II, p. 46. [^1327]: De Humboldt, Voyage to the Equinoctial Regions, vol. III, book III, ch. VIII, p. 228 and 229, and vol. VI, book VII, chap. XIX, p. 314. — Weld, vol. II, ch. XXI, p. 256. [^1328]: See book III, ch. XXXII, p. 112 and 113 of this volume. [^1229]: In the islands of the Pacific Ocean, located between the tropics, are found the most beautiful races of men, and travelers do not doubt that the influence of the climate has been the principal cause of their development. However, the Europeans who settled in Barbados, also located in the tropics, appear to have considerably degenerated: “I have been to Barbados twice,” says Dauxion-Lavaysse, “and I have seen many Barbadians in the other colonies: almost all those who descend from families long established in the country have sallow or bronzed skin, sunken eyes, a flattened nose, a gaping mouth, thick lips, and reddish, frizzy hair. Add to this an enormous pair of testicles, a hernia at twenty or thirty years of age, a lymphatic swelling in one leg, sometimes in both, and you will have the portrait of a Barbadian. Such men would inspire, like cretins, feelings of pity, if they had not degenerated from their ancestors more in their morals than in their physique, and if they were not the most ferocious and most ridiculously vain men that there are perhaps on earth. Yet it has been hardly more than two centuries since this country was populated by Europeans.” Vol. I, ch. VI, p. 241. [^1330]: The animal that lives most in society with man, the dog, also appears to be the most intelligent, and the most susceptible to sharing his passions; and the care that hunters take to preserve the purity of breeds seems to prove that the dispositions observed in some individuals are transmitted by the sole fact of generation. Discussing one day with M. de Volney the question of the influence of education on all animals, he related to me a fact that I cannot help but record here, and which he had from one of his friends, an officer of the household of Louis XVI. This officer, whose name I have forgotten, had taken two young dogs of the same breed, one male, the other female, of the most common species, and he never went hunting without taking them with him. All that he could obtain from this first generation, by dint of caresses or punishments, was to make them endure the sound of the rifle without hiding or fleeing. The two he kept from the second generation manifested no feeling of fear at the explosion of the powder; but it was necessary to employ punishments and rewards for a long time to induce them merely to follow the other dogs that were trained. Those that were kept from the third generation were as good hunters as those who came from the most renowned breeds.

An English naturalist has made observations on animals of the same species that are no less curious. The Malay peoples who inhabit the islands of the Pacific Ocean raise dogs to feed on, as we raise other species of animals, and these dogs are as stupid as our sheep. These dogs, feeding on the same foods as their masters, are accustomed to gnawing on the bones of animals of their own species and even human bones, in the islands where the inhabitants are cannibals, as in New Zealand.

“We had on board one of these little dogs,” says Forster, “which surely, before it was sold, had never taken anything but its mother’s milk, and yet it devoured with avidity a part of the flesh and bones of the dog we had just eaten for dinner, while several others of European breed, which we had taken on board at the Cape, moved away and would not eat it. The New Zealand dog,” says the same traveler elsewhere, “threw itself upon one of these little ones (dogs) that had died, and devoured it with avidity. It had been brought on board so young that it could not have acquired the habit of eating the flesh of animals of its own species, and much less human flesh; and yet one of our sailors who had cut his finger offered it to the dog, which seized it avidly, licked it, and immediately bit it.” Forster, cited in the second Voyage of Cook, ch. IX, vol. I, p. 459.The Chinese have succeeded in giving intelligence to one of the most stupid animals. Those among them who habitually live on the rivers raise ducks, and they have made them so docile that they direct their movements with the slightest signs.

An English naturalist has made observations on animals of the same species that are no less curious. The Malay peoples who inhabit the islands of the Pacific Ocean raise dogs to feed on, as we raise other species of animals, and these dogs are as stupid as our sheep. These dogs, feeding on the same foods as their masters, are accustomed to gnawing on the bones of animals of their own species and even human bones, in the islands where the inhabitants are cannibals, as in New Zealand. “We had on board one of these little dogs,” says Forster, “which surely, before it was sold, had never taken anything but its mother’s milk, and yet it devoured with avidity a part of the flesh and bones of the dog we had just eaten for dinner, while several others of European breed, which we had taken on board at the Cape, moved away and would not eat it. The New Zealand dog,” says the same traveler elsewhere, “threw itself upon one of these little ones (dogs) that had died, and devoured it with avidity. It had been brought on board so young that it could not have acquired the habit of eating the flesh of animals of its own species, and much less human flesh; and yet one of our sailors who had cut his finger offered it to the dog, which seized it avidly, licked it, and immediately bit it.” Forster, cited in the second Voyage of Cook, ch. IX, volume I, p. 459.

The Chinese have succeeded in giving intelligence to one of the most stupid animals. Those among them who habitually live on the rivers raise ducks, and they have made them so docile that they direct their movements with the slightest signs. [^1331]: Travels in Africa, Asia, and Japan, ch. VI, p. 182. [^1332]: Levaillant, first Voyage, volume I, p. 193 and 194. [^1333]: Levaillant, second Voyage, volume III, p. 176 and 170. [^1334]: Péron, Voyage of Discovery to the Southern Lands, volume II, book IV, ch. XXXII, p. 309. [^1335]: Weld, Travels Through Canada, volume III, ch. XXXV, p. 91 and 92. [^1336]: Lahontan, volume II, p. 177. [^1337]: Azara, volume II, ch. X, p. 9. [^1338]: Dampier, A New Voyage Round the World, volume I, ch. I, p. 12. — Hennepin, Customs of the Savages of Louisiana, p. 34. — Raynal, Hist. philos., volume VIII, book XV, p. 61 and 62. [^1339]: Forster, cited in the second Voyage of Cook, book II, ch. V, volume II, pages 451 and 452. [^1340]: Niebuhr, Travels in Arabia, volume II, sect. XXIV, ch. I, p. 171. [^1341]: Voyage to the Equinoctial Regions, volume VI, book VI, ch. XVII, page 76. [^1342]: Niebuhr, Description of Arabia, p. 328. — Travels in Arabia, volume II, sect. XXIV, ch. I, p. 171. [^1343]: Weld, Travels Through Canada, volume III, ch. XXXV, p. 92. [^1344]: Raynal, Hist. philos., volume VIII, book XV, p. 61 and 62. [^1345]: Azara, volume II, ch. X, p. 9. [^1346]: Travels in Africa, etc., ch. VI, p. 182. — It is remarkable that none of the writers who has praised the keenness of sight, hearing, and smell of uncivilized peoples has thought to praise the keenness or delicacy of their taste; yet the sense of taste has many connections with that of smell. [^1347]: Lahontan, volume II, p. 94. — J. Long. ch. VI, p. 68 and 69. — Weld, volume III, ch. XXXV, p. 90. [^1348]: Lahontan, volume II, p. 93. — Hennepin, p. 17. [^1349]: Weld, Travels Through Canada, volume III, ch. XXXV, p. 96 and 97. [^1350]: Kolbe, volume I, ch. VI, p. 86. — Sparrman, volume III, ch. XV, pages 170 and 171. [^1351]: Charlevoix, volume I, book I, p. 44. [^1352]: De Humboldt, Voyage to the Equinoctial Regions, volume II, book II, ch. V, p. 372. [^1353]: Azara, volume II, ch. X, p. 68. [^1354]: La Pérouse, volume II, ch. IV, p. 106. [^1355]: Fleurieu, Voyage of Captain Marchand, volume I, ch. I, p. 53. — Krusenstern, Voyage around the World, volume I, ch. VI, page 193. [^1356]: Macartney, Voyage to China and Tartary, volume IV, ch. III, pages 200 and 201. [^1357]: See ch. XXV of book III, volume II, p. 414. [^1358]: Weld, volume III, ch. XXXV, p. 90 and 91. [^1359]: Customs of the Savages of Louisiana, p. 14 and 17. [^1360]: Cook, third Voyage, book II, ch. VII, volume II, p. 273. [^1361]: See ch. VII of book III of this work, volume II, p. 145. [^1362]: La Pérouse, volume III, ch. XXVI, p. 303. [^1363]: Hearne, A Journey to the Northern Ocean. [^1364]: Lahontan, volume II, p. 94. — Weld confirmed Lahontan. Travels Through Canada, volume III, ch. XXXV, p. 90. [^1365]: La Pérouse, volume II, ch. IX, p. 208, 229 and 230. [^1366]: Voyage of La Pérouse, volume IV, p. 57. [^1367]: Péron reports, in the following terms, the results of his experiments and the conclusions he draws from them:

“By now bringing together the general results of the five series of experiments I have just reported, the following proportions result for manual strength, expressed in kilograms:

For lumbar strength, the following, expressed in myriagrams:

From which it results,

1° That the inhabitants of Van Diemen's Land, the most savage of all, the children of nature par excellence, are the weakest;

2° That those of New Holland, who are scarcely more civilized, are weaker than the inhabitants of Timor;

3° That the latter in turn are much weaker, in both lumbar and manual strength, than the English and the French.

We can therefore deduce the following conclusion from all these results:

The development of physical strength is not always in direct proportion to the lack of civilization; it is not a constant product, it is not a necessary result of the savage state.

Péron, volume I, book III, ch. XX, sect. VI, p. 457.

“By now bringing together the general results of the five series of experiments I have just reported, the following proportions result for manual strength, expressed in kilograms:

For lumbar strength, the following, expressed in myriagrams:

From which it results,

1° That the inhabitants of Van Diemen's Land, the most savage of all, the children of nature par excellence, are the weakest;

2° That those of New Holland, who are scarcely more civilized, are weaker than the inhabitants of Timor;

3° That the latter in turn are much weaker, in both lumbar and manual strength, than the English and the French.

We can therefore deduce the following conclusion from all these results:

The development of physical strength is not always in direct proportion to the lack of civilization; it is not a constant product, it is not a necessary result of the savage state.

Péron, volume I, book III, ch. XX, sect. VI, p. 457. [^1368]: No conclusion could be drawn even from the comparison made between the strength of the French and that of the English, since the former had just completed a long voyage, and the latter have recognized, by experience, that sailors after a long voyage have less strength than they had at the moment of departure. [^1369]: Chardin, volume VIII, p. 57. [^1370]: Roman historians observed that the Gauls, in their wars, showed great ardor and intrepidity at the beginning of a battle; but that they were soon fatigued, and that to defeat them, it was enough to know how to withstand the first shock for some time. Roman soldiers, on the contrary, showed themselves to be equally energetic throughout the duration of the combat. What were the causes of the latter's superiority over the former? The same as those that give a professional rower superiority over a man who only handles an oar accidentally. [^1371]: Levaillant says, speaking of animal instinct: I have never doubted that man received from the Creator the same faculties in equal proportion; his corruption has imperceptibly made him lose everything; savages, being closer to nature the further they are from us, also have much more subtle senses.

“Finally, I myself, and I trust I will be believed, after having spent five or six months in the forests and deserts, when in imitation of them I turned my face from side to side, had managed to sense, to divine like them, either a river or a pond.” First Voyage, volume II, p. 232 and 233.

The same traveler, after speaking of the art that a tribe possesses for discovering underground water by sight, adds:

“I attempted to study the art of the Houzouanas during the time we lived together. I practiced it following their example, and I, like them, had learned to identify sure signs.” Ibid., volume III, pages 176 and 177.

“Finally, he says, speaking of the talent these peoples have for discovering the slightest tracks of animals, that it is only by dint of time and habit that he accustomed himself to this divinatory part of the finest of hunts.” Ibid., volume I, p. 193 and 194.

It results very clearly from this that, in the space of five or six months, a civilized man can raise himself to the level of a Hottentot, which proves that our corruption has not made us lose absolutely everything; but I do not know how many months it would take for a Hottentot to raise himself to the level of Newton, Franklin, or Voltaire.

“Finally, I myself, and I trust I will be believed, after having spent five or six months in the forests and deserts, when in imitation of them I turned my face from side to side, had managed to sense, to divine like them, either a river or a pond.” First Voyage, volume II, p. 232 and 233.

The same traveler, after speaking of the art that a tribe possesses for discovering underground water by sight, adds:

“I attempted to study the art of the Houzouanas during the time we lived together. I practiced it following their example, and I, like them, had learned to identify sure signs.” Ibid., volume III, pages 176 and 177.

“Finally, he says, speaking of the talent these peoples have for discovering the slightest tracks of animals, that it is only by dint of time and habit that he accustomed himself to this divinatory part of the finest of hunts.” Ibid., volume I, p. 193 and 194.

It results very clearly from this that, in the space of five or six months, a civilized man can raise himself to the level of a Hottentot, which proves that our corruption has not made us lose absolutely everything; but I do not know how many months it would take for a Hottentot to raise himself to the level of Newton, Franklin, or Voltaire. [^1372]: Robin, Travels in Louisiana, volume II, ch. III, p. 327. — Weld, volume III, ch. XXXV, p. 97. — Volney, A View of the Climate and Soil of the United States, volume I, ch. IX, p, 249 and 250. [^1373]: Some of those who trade with the English carry burdens; but this is only an exception. [^1374]: Volney, A View of the Climate and Soil of the United States, volume I, ch. IX, p. 249 and 250. [^1375]: Travels in South America, volume II, ch. XV, p. 319. [^1376]: Azara, volume II, ch. XV, p. 307 and 308. [^1377]: Bougainville, second part, ch. III, volume II, p. 50. — Dentrecasteaux, vol. I, ch. XIV, p. 319 and 320. — Wallis, vol. II, ch. VIII, page 197. — Cook, second Voyage, volume II, chapter I, pages 82 and 83. [^1378]: Cook, third Voyage, volume II, book II, chap. V and VII, pages 159 and 178. [^1379]:

“During his frolics with a New Zealand woman,” says Forster, speaking of one of Cook's sailors, “another New Zealand woman stole his jacket and gave it to a young man of her compatriots. The sailor, wanting to snatch it from his hands, received several punches. He at first thought the native was joking; but as he was heading toward the shore to get back into the longboat, the native threw large stones at him. Our sailor, becoming furious, went back ashore, seized the aggressor, and, after a fight in the English manner, left him with a black eye and a very bloody nose.” Second Voyage of Cook, volume I, ch. viii, p. 424 and 425. [^1380]: A recent experiment, conducted in England, has proven beyond a doubt what I advance here. An individual wanted to give the public the spectacle of a fight between a lion, raised in a cage, and mastiffs accustomed to fighting ferocious beasts. The lion, though endowed with great strength, was as incapable of defending itself as a sheep would have been: it did not know how to use either its claws or its teeth. [^1381]: Dampier, A New Voyage Round the World, vol. II, ch. XVI, p. 140, 141 and 146. [^1382]: When, in England, there was a question of modifying or abolishing the hunting laws, the best reason the defenders of these laws could give for maintaining them was to say that it was from the ranks of hunters that the best officers of the land army came, and to call upon the testimony of their generals to attest to this fact. This reasoning, addressed to the English population by the privileged class, amounts to this: the laws of which you complain and which oppress you are very useful for you and you must preserve them; for they give us the means, not only of oppressing you yourselves, but also of going to oppress other nations on their own territory. See the debates of the House of Commons of 1825. [^1383]: A writer who has defended some useful ideas, but who did not guard himself sufficiently against the spirit of system, M. Henri de Saint-Simon, has said that governments are always what the peoples make them, and that when a nation has a bad government, it has its own vices or prejudices to blame. This can, in fact, sometimes happen; but one cannot make a general proposition of it without contesting evident facts, and without arriving at consequences very unfavorable to liberty and morality. One must first contest the influence of conquest; one must maintain either that the most barbarous conquerors came from the very bosom of the nations they enslaved, or that they were the legitimate representatives of the peoples they exterminated, or that the fault was always on the side of the vanquished. One must maintain, moreover, that any man who has the strength or skill to make himself master of power can rightly call himself the representative of the population, however he may govern:

Might makes right.

One must admit, in this system, that the Romans, worthy of the best of princes under Marcus Aurelius, were also worthy of the most abominable of tyrants under Commodus, his son.

Might makes right.One must admit, in this system, that the Romans, worthy of the best of princes under Marcus Aurelius, were also worthy of the most abominable of tyrants under Commodus, his son.

[^1384]: Gibbon’s History of the decline and fall of the roman empire, vol. I, ch. IX, p. 344. — It is not accurate to say that the most civilized nations of modern Europe came out of the forests of Germania. The country occupied by the nations that are today the most civilized was not deserted at the time of the barbarian invasions: it contained numerous nations, not only before the Romans had ravaged it, but even before they had subjugated Italy, and before they had learned that Germans existed; if, therefore, one finds among them the prejudices, vices, and institutions of the barbarians of ancient Germania, one must conclude that it was by the conquerors that they were brought there. If the antiquity of families on the soil is measured by the time they have dwelt there, the descendants of the barbarians or those who affiliated with them are but newcomers compared to the others. One is no more justified in considering the civilized nations as having issued from them, than one would be in considering the natives of Mexico and Peru as the descendants of the soldiers of Pizarro or Cortez. Gibbon has fallen here into the error common to almost all historians: he has seen nations only in their conquerors. [^1385]: Cook, first Voyage, book III, ch. IV, volume IV, p. 33. — Phillip, ch. XI, p. 124 and 125. [^1386]: Charlevoix, New France, volume III, book XIII and XVII, p. 44, 52 and 363. — De Larochefoucault-Liancourt, Travels in the United States, volume II, p. 109. — Volney, A View of the Climate and Soil of the United States, volume II, p. 448 et seq. [^1387]: Voyage around the World, volume II, ch. IX, p. 217. [^1388]: Dentrecasteaux, volume I, ch. XXI, p. 470 and 471. [^1389]: It is fair to say, however, that W. Lawrence, when he begins to examine the intellectual and moral differences that he believes exist between the various races of men, admits that his research in this regard has never gone very far, and that he is about to treat a subject to which he is almost a stranger. [^1390]: W. Lawrence says, however, that among the Caucasian species are found peoples as beautiful as the most beautiful of the Malays, but that none are found there as miserable; and he cites in proof of this assertion the natives of Van Diemen's Land and New Holland, who do not belong to the Malay species. The negro peoples scattered across some islands of the Pacific Ocean do not differ from the Malays only in their physical constitution; they also differ from them in language. [^1391]: See the engravings attached to the work of W. Lawrence, copied from those given by Blumenbach. [^1392]: Dauxion-Lavaysse, volume I, ch. VI, p. 243 and 244. — See previously, volume II, book II, ch. VIII, p. 161 and 162. [^1393]: “The women are generally very beautiful; their head is especially admirable; it is well-proportioned.” Krusenstern, volume I, ch. IX, p. 206. — See Fleurieu, Voyage of Captain Marchand, volume I, ch. II and IX, p. 97 and 206. — Rollin, Voyage of La Pérouse, vol. IV, p. 420; and supra, vol. II, book III, ch. VII, p. 142, 143 and 144. [^1394]: The king of the Sandwich Islands and several of his courtiers visited England in 1824; but no one, I believe, observed that they had less developed brains than the corresponding personages who exist among European peoples. It must even be remarked that, of all the peoples of the Malay species, those of the Sandwich Islands are the ones whose organization has been the least praised. [^1395]: See Chardin, volume III, ch. XI, p. 303 and 304. — Macartney, Voyage to China and Tartary, volume III, ch. IV, p. 257. — Barrow, Voyage to China, volume I, ch. II, p. 78 and 79. — King, third Voyage of Cook, volume VIII, book VI, ch. VII, p. 63 and 64. — La Pérouse, volume III, ch. XVIII, XX and XXII, p. 75, 104, 105, 125, 128 and 193. — Rollin, Voyage of La Pérouse, volume IV, p. 90, 91, 92 and 99. — Thunberg, ch. XIII, p. 411 and 412. [^1396]: M. Alexandre de Humboldt. [^1397]: Several writers have believed that the peoples of the American species were not capable of acquiring the same degree of intelligence as the peoples of other species; but Azara is, I believe, the only one who has claimed that they are not endowed with the same degree of physical sensibility. This question of the greater or lesser sensibility belonging to each individual or each species is perhaps one of those whose solution is impossible. Men show themselves more or less sensitive to pain according to whether they are habitually exposed to more or fewer dangers. Savages, and slaves subject to cruel masters, generally appear little sensitive to the ills that affect them, not because it is in their nature not to feel them, but because they know pain and it is familiar to their imagination. Enthusiasts and men endowed with great strength of character also show themselves to be little sensitive to it; but it is for other reasons. Azara says that the natives of America are so insensitive that they do not complain when they are killed. It must indeed be admitted that their resignation proves their insensibility, since otherwise it would prove the harshness of the regime from which death delivers them. [^1398]: If the question of the greater or lesser perfectibility of which the various species of men are capable were only a question of vanity, it would not be worth dealing with. To judge the consequences that a false system in this regard can have, one may see what I have said in the first volume of this work on the influence of sophisms and false systems.

I have said previously (page 439) that the physiologists who have compared the cerebral development of the peoples of the Caucasian species to the cerebral development of the peoples of other species have compared opposite extremes; and I have cited the engravings that W. Lawrence borrowed from Blumenbach. It is enough, to be convinced of this truth, to compare these engravings with the collection of skulls deposited in the anatomy cabinet of the Jardin des Plantes. [^1399]: All these arguments in favor of the superiority of the peoples of the Caucasian species were made by an English professor of great merit, W. Lawrence. They can be seen in a work he published a few years ago under the following title: Lectures on physiology, osteology and the natural history of man, pages 481, 482 et seq. [^1400]: It is said that the Hindus of the high castes belong to the Caucasian species: if this is indeed the case, one would have to conclude that this country was subjugated by men of the same species as the Europeans, and that it was the conquerors who divided the population into various castes. Now, such a regime, far from favoring the progress of the human mind, is suited only to making a people stationary. [^1401]: There would be a way to explain how the species with the best intellectual organization were nevertheless more backward than the others; how nations of the Caucasian species and the Malay species only began to make progress long after the peoples of the Mongol species were civilized: it would be to say that the species were not all created at the same time; and that those which received the best organization only received existence long after the others. But is this fact susceptible of proof? This is a question whose solution I leave to scholars; but as long as it is not resolved, one will be ill-founded in claiming that progress has always been on the side of the species that had such or such an organization. [^1402]: In a single auction, Caesar had sixty-three thousand people from a small republic of the Gauls put up for sale. It appears that the sale was made in bulk and without counting, for the seller only makes known the number of individuals sold based on the report of the buyers. Bell. Gall., lib. II, cap. VII. [^1403]: English laws make it a duty for colonists to keep one free white man on their plantations for every twenty slaves. [^1404]: This observation belongs to Jefferson. [^1405]: One cannot doubt that polygamy was in use among the Gauls, since Caesar says, speaking of one of their chiefs, that he had two wives, one whom he had married in Germania, and the other in Gaul. (Bell. Gall., lib. I, cap. IX.) He assures elsewhere that:

when a great man comes to die, the relatives assemble; that if there is any suspicion of violent death, the women are put to the question, as one would do to slaves, and that, if anything is discovered, they perish by fire and in the most cruel tortures. Ibid., lib. VI, cap. IV. In Great Britain, customs were far from having more delicacy than in Gaul: a woman could be common among ten or twelve men, especially among brothers, or between a father and his children. Ibid., lib. V, cap. IV. [^1406]: In no species has polygamy ever been in general use: it is a privilege that chiefs or the strongest have reserved for themselves everywhere. It is true that the princes of Europe, since the adoption of the Christian religion, have consented to have only one wife; while the Asiatic and African princes have remained in the custom of having several. But one must also consider that the latter never admit into their courts women who are not their own, as is practiced in Europe. I leave it to those who have read the memoirs of the courts to decide which of these two customs is more favorable to customs. [^1407]: Caesar asserts that the Gauls had the right of life and death over their wives and children: this is a fact that he converts into a right. Bell.-Gall., lib. VI, ch. IV. [^1408]: It would be easy to show that the acts by which governments have made it a duty for parents to feed and raise their children, and those by which they have sought to prohibit exposure, produce almost no effect on their own. To feed and raise one's children, it is not enough to have the obligation; one must also have the means, which a government cannot give without distributing to some what it has taken from others. See the first volume of this work, book II, ch. X, p. 433 et seq. [^1409]: From the year 1773 to 1777, the hospice of Paris received 31,951 abandoned children; of this number, 21,985 died in the first month, and 3,491 in the rest of the first year. At the end of the fifth year, only about a seventh remained. From 1789 to 1813, that is to say in a space of twenty-five years, the number of abandoned children in Paris rose to 109,650; and, of this number, 39,330 died before leaving the hospice; most of the others die with wet-nurses before the end of the year. In Paris, the number of abandoned children to the number of births is approximately as one is to three. One sees that, in this regard, we have nothing to reproach the Chinese for. See the Report made to the general council of hospices, by one of its members, on the state of hospitals, hospices and home relief in Paris, from January 1, 1804, to January 25, 1814, pages 125, 126 et seq. [^1410]: La Pérouse, volume II, ch. XV, p. 386 and 390. [^1411]: Macartney, Voyage to China and Tartary, volume IV, ch. III, p. 198. [^1412]: Larochefoucault, Travels in the United States, first part, volume III, p. 235. [^1413]: Ibid., second part, volume IV, p. 27 and 28. [^1414]: Fearon, 4th report, p. 157 and 158. [^1415]: Larochefoucault, third part, volume VI, p. 61. [^1416]: Robin, Travels in Louisiana, volume III, chap. LXVII, pages 202, 203 and 204. Slaves are, in general, less corrupt than masters. I will explain, in the following book, the causes of this phenomenon. [^1417]: The gross inconsistencies I have just observed are found again in actions and in political discussions. Certain Englishmen and certain citizens of the United States of America, who view with proud pity the writers of the European continent who support the principle of the legitimacy of royal families, would treat as a revolutionary any man who did not speak with sufficient respect of the legitimacy of the planters. Let one ask, for example, the American citizens who have rendered to General Lafayette honors hitherto unknown, what they would think of a man who rendered to their slaves services analogous to those they themselves have so well rewarded, and one will see to what their principles of morality are reduced. When the great men of Poland were subjugated, we were moved to pity, and we cursed the injustice of their oppressors; but these great men hold millions of men in servitude, and we see nothing to say about it. One finds, among the peoples of antiquity, the same inconsistencies as among the moderns: what a great and terrible lesson the murderers of Caesar gave to their own slaves! Only men who admit a universal morality and justice can, without inconsistency, honor the defenders of liberty or combat servitude. [^1418]: Aristotle in a way puts slavery on the same line as marriage: the one does not seem to him less necessary than the other to the existence of a family. Polit., book I, ch. IV, V and VI, volume I, p. 6 et seq. of the translation by M. Thurot. [^1419]: The patricians could also be taken prisoner, but they had means to ransom themselves that the men of the people did not. If they were rich, they paid a ransom and became free; if they were poor, their clients were obliged to pay for them. The patricians were therefore always ransomed; but the plebeians never were. Several of our political writers have seen in this abandonment of plebeian prisoners the calculations of a wise and profound policy on the part of the Roman senators. They would have judged men better if they had seen in it only the effect of aristocratic harshness, avarice, and insolence.

Hannibal, having taken a great number of prisoners from the Romans, proposed their ransom to the senate; but that body refused to ransom them so as not to violate its ancient maxims, and especially out of a spirit of economy. However, as it lacked men to defend itself, it bought eight thousand slaves and gave them arms without giving them liberty. Titus Livy, volume VII, p. 393 and 397 of the translation by Dureau de Lamalle.Hannibal, having taken a great number of Roman prisoners, proposed their ransom to the senate; but that body refused to ransom them so as not to violate its ancient maxims, and especially for the sake of economy. However, as it lacked men for its defense, it purchased eight thousand slaves and gave them arms without giving them liberty. Livy, vol. VII, p. 393 and 397 of the Dureau de Lamalle translation. [^1420]: The priests of ancient Rome, who were drawn from the aristocratic class, encouraged the armies to pillage with their predictions, because they shared in the spoils. Livy, book V, vol. III, p. 84 and 101 of the Dureau de Lamalle translation. [^1421]: The much-vaunted hospitality of ancient times can be largely attributed to the inability of a master of men to immediately consume the agricultural products of a great number of individuals; just as what is sometimes called the generosity of despots can be attributed to the ease with which they appropriate the wealth of their subjects. The very small number of princes who have had some scruple about seizing the property of others by force or fraud have always been accused of avarice: I know of no exception in this regard. Men are also accused of having grown hard-hearted and of being worth less than the ancients, because they do not lavish upon the first-comer what they earn through labor, or what they could spend in a more agreeable manner. [^1422]: It is asserted that the Christian religion condemns slavery; I am convinced of it; I will also show elsewhere that those who support or approve of it are not Christians. With the exception of the Quakers, most of whom have freed their slaves on religious principles, there is no sect calling itself Christian that does not admit and protect slavery. The Catholics of France, Spain, and Portugal make a trade of buying and selling human beings in their colonies; the Reformed of Holland, England, and the United States engage in the same commerce; the Catholics, the Reformed, and the peoples of northern Europe who follow the Greek rite all have numerous slaves. [^1423]: After the capture of a single Gallic town, Caesar put fifty thousand of its people up for sale. [^1424]: The laws placed no limit on the power of the man or woman who was a person over the man or woman who was a thing; but the censors and the senate, who were invested with a somewhat arbitrary authority, sometimes punished masters who had, without cause, exercised revolting cruelties upon their slaves. Thus, a senator who, in the middle of a meal and for the amusement of a guest with whom he had criminal relations, had a man’s head cut off, was judged to be bad company and ceased to be admitted to the senate. Plutarch, Lives of M. Cato and Flaminius. See Dionysius of Halicarnassus, book VII, § LXXIII. — Livy, vol. XIII, p. 325. [^1425]: Few provisions relating to slaves are found in Roman law. The reason is simple; being placed, by a special provision, among the number of things, and the law granting them no protection, there was no more need to be concerned with them than with any other piece of movable property. [^1426]: “His custom,” says Plutarch, speaking of M. Cato, “was to strike harshly... to show a terrible face to the enemy, and to use threats, speaking to him in a harsh and frightful voice: at which he himself excelled and which he very wisely taught others to do likewise... By which means,” adds the same historian, “M. Cato taught his son grammar, the laws, and fencing, not only how to throw the javelin, wield a sword, perform acrobatics, spur horses, and handle all weapons, but also how to fight with his fists, endure cold and heat, and swim across the current of a swift and impetuous river.” Plutarch, Life of Marcus Cato, p. 400 and 414. [^1427]: The invention of gunpowder has, in a way, established an equality of physical force among all men, and gymnastic exercises have been neglected. [^1428]: Among modern Europeans, men placed in the aristocratic ranks have very often chosen their wives from the industrious classes; but they have been determined in their choices more by considerations of fortune than by considerations of beauty. Polygamy no longer being admitted, many thought that with the wealth of some, they could buy the charms of others; corruption thus succeeded violence; it is a step in civilization. The influence of this cause, joined with that of the invention of gunpowder, has re-established the balance of physical advantages among all classes of the population. [^1429]: A master could give nothing to his slave, which is to say that he always had the faculty of taking back what he had given him. Digest, book XL, title I, law IV, § 1. [^1430]: The exercise of wrestling was forbidden to slaves, even under the emperors. Digest, book IX, title II, law VII, § IV. [^1431]: There existed among the Romans a type of slave whose masters developed their strength and skill: these were those destined to be gladiators. But these were kept locked up like ferocious beasts, until the moment they were thrown into the circus to slaughter one another, and thus serve the minor pleasures of the kingly people. These slaves inspired such terror in the population that trained them to have them slaughtered that, in Caesar's time, a law was passed to limit the number that would be permitted to be brought into the city. Two hundred having once managed to escape with their arms, they fell upon all the individuals of the master race who were in their path and put them to death. It was impossible for them to escape; but not one of them allowed himself to be taken alive. The gladiatorial combats were no less agreeable to the ladies than to the men. Plutarch, Life of Sylla, p. 565. — Life of Crassus, p. 654. [^1432]: Raynal, Philosophical History. [^1433]: See vol. I, book II, ch. VIII and IX. [^1434]: It follows that military qualities are neutral, and that the qualification one should give them depends on the moral dispositions that direct their use: they are a perfection when their goal is defense, preservation, or liberty; they are a degradation when their goal is conquest, tyranny, or destruction. [^1435]: The Morals and Politics of Aristotle, book VII, ch. VII, vol. II, p. 458 and 459 of the translation by M. Thurot. [^1436]: Aristotle, Ibid., ch. IX, p. 465. [^1437]: Plutarch, Life of Marcellus. [^1438]: Dionysius of Halicarnassus, book II, § XXVIII. [^1439]: Ibid., book IV, § XIII. [^1440]: Plutarch, Life of Cato. [^1441]: Plutarch, Life of the Gracchi. [^1442]: Dionysius of Halicarnassus, book VI, § LIII, vol. II, p. 53. — The historian who reports this speech speaks of Menenius as the wisest of the senators. [^1443]: Suetonius, Life of Augustus, § II and III, p. 221 and 225. [^1444]: Dionysius of Halicarnassus, book IX, § XXV, vol. II, page 322. The aristocracy had a particular interest in reinforcing the prejudice that slavery creates against the exercise of any useful industry: it leased the lands conquered by the republic and had them cultivated by its slaves; it also had the arts and commerce practiced by its slaves; so that it contributed to debasing all productive labors, in order to better secure the profits for itself. When the conquered lands exceeded what could be cultivated by slaves, the aristocracy refused to distribute them to the people and left them uncultivated; by this means, it secured for itself the monopoly on the sale of grain. Plutarch, Life of the Gracchi. — Dionysius of Halicarnassus, book IX, § LI and LII, and book X, § XXXV. — See Livy, passim. [^1445]: Plutarch, Life of M. Cato. [^1446]: Plutarch, Life of M. Cato, p. 402. — Among the peoples of Africa where Europeans have established the custom of buying and selling human beings, the noblest profession is that which consists of trading in men: the negro aristocracy judges no differently than the Roman aristocracy. See supra, vol. II, book III, ch. XXVII. [^1447]: Barrow, New Voyage into the Southern Part of Africa, vol. I, ch. I, p. 98 and 99. [^1448]: Barrow, ibid., pages 35 and 36 of the introduction. [^1449]: Barrow, New Voyage into the Southern Part of Africa, vol. II, ch. V, p. 132. [^1450]: Barrow, Voyage into the Southern Part of Africa, vol. II, ch. V, p. 132. [^1451]: Barrow, vol. I, p. 35 and 36 of the introduction. [^1452]: See supra, vol. III, book III, ch. III. p. 28. [^1453]: Stedman, Voyage to Surinam, vol. III, ch. XXIX, p. 184 and 185. [^1454]: Macartney, Voyage to China and Tartary, vol. IV, ch. III, page 197. [^1455]: Weld, Voyage to Canada, vol. I, ch. XI and XVIII, p. 172 and 278. — Larochefoucault-Liancourt, Travels in the United States, third part, vol. VI, p. 84. — Michaux, Travels to the West of the Allegheny Mountains, ch. XXXII, p. 304 and 305. — Robin, Travels in Louisiana, vol. II, ch. XXXVII, p. 113. [^1456]: Travels in the United States, second part, vol. IV, p. 59, 172, 99 and 100. [^1457]: M. de Larochefoucault-Liancourt, Travels in the United States, third part, vol. VI, p. 84. — Robin, Travels in Louisiana, vol. II, ch. XLVII, p. 245. [^1458]: Life of Marcellus. [^1459]: Plutarch, Life of Marcellus, p. 365. [^1460]: Dionysius of Halicarnassus, book III, § LIII and LXVII; book IV, § LIX, vol. I, p. 255 and 329. [^1461]: Plutarch, Life of Publicola, p. 120. [^1462]: Barrow, Voyage into the Southern Part of Africa, vol. II, ch. V, p. 202. [^1463]: Levaillant, first Voyage, vol. I, p. 14 and 15. [^1464]: Barrow, Voyage into the Southern Part of Africa, vol. II, ch. V, p. 141, 190 and 191. [^1465]: Robin, Travels in Louisiana, vol. II, ch. XXXVII, p. 119. [^1466]: Depons, vol. III, ch. X, p. 11 and 99. — Dauxion-Lavaysse, vol. II, ch. VI, p. 147. [^1467]: Thiery, On the Cultivation of the Nopal, etc., vol. I, p. 59 and 60. [^1468]: De Humboldt, Voyage to the Equinoctial Regions, book V, ch. XV, vol. V, p. 152 and 155. — South America has experienced two revolutions that will change its face in a few years: the first is the conquest of its independence; the second, the abolition of slavery in a large part of its countries. [^1469]: If one relies on the testimony of travelers, it does not appear that the Anglo-Americans take much trouble to develop their intelligence. “I have not seen a book,” says Fearon, “in the hands of any person since I left Philadelphia.” Sketches of America, 5th report, p. 252, 290 and 293. [^1470]: Barrow, Voyage into the Southern Part of Africa, vol. II, ch. V, p. 208, 209, 214 and 215. — The doctors of the Cape, in 1772, were still unaware of the use of the vaccine. Thunberg, Travels in Africa, ch. II, p. 34. [^1471]: Larochefoucault, Travels in the United States, second part, vol. IV, p. 63, 228, 229 and 230. [^1472]: Larochefoucault, Travels in the United States, second part, vol. IV, p. 62 and 63. [^1473]: Ibid., page 65. — Michaux, Travels to the West of the Allegheny Mountains, ch. XXXI, p. 294 and 295. [^1474]: Michaux, Travels to the West of the Allegheny Mountains, ch. I, pages 9 and 10. [^1475]: See the ch. on the influence of slavery on wealth. [^1476]: Robin, Travels in Louisiana, vol. III, ch. LXVII, pages 181 and 182. [^1477]: Robin, Travels in Louisiana, vol. III, ch. LXVIII, page 197. [^1478]: Plutarch, Life of M. Cato. [^1479]: See the debates of the English House of Commons, of June 23, 1825.

This reveals another effect of slavery that is important to note. For a master, using one's hands to create a useful work is a debasing act, an act reserved for the slave population; but using the same hands to destroy such a work is, on the contrary, a noble act, when this destruction does not aim at some greater utility. This way of judging is common to almost all men who are, or who claim to be, descended from a master race, or who have affiliated themselves with it. A nobleman or general who would believe himself dishonored for the rest of his life if he applied his hands to any industry or trade whatsoever, would believe he had brought glory to his posterity if he could transmit to them proof that he had, with his own hands, burned an industrious and commercial city. The masterpiece of M. Cato, in the judgment of his compatriots and of Plutarch his historian, was the destruction of Carthage.This reveals another effect of slavery that is important to note. For a master, using one's hands to create a useful work is a debasing act, an act reserved for the slave population; but using the same hands to destroy such a work is, on the contrary, a noble act, when this destruction does not aim at some greater utility. This way of judging is common to almost all men who are, or who claim to be, descended from a master race, or who have affiliated themselves with it. A nobleman or general who would believe himself dishonored for the rest of his life if he applied his hands to any industry or trade whatsoever, would believe he had brought glory to his posterity if he could transmit to them proof that he had, with his own hands, burned an industrious and commercial city. The masterpiece of M. Cato, in the judgment of his compatriots and of Plutarch his historian, was the destruction of Carthage. [^1480]: Travels in Louisiana, volume III, ch. LXVII, p. 180 and 181. [^1481]: Travels in Louisiana, volume III, ch. LXVII, p. 182 and 183. — In some countries, and particularly at the Cape of Good Hope, there are slaves who must be a little less unskilled than the others: these are those who pay their masters a fixed sum per week, and who, under this condition, enjoy the freedom to use their time as they please. These must be less miserable than the others; one can even say that if such a state were guaranteed to them, and if the sum demanded of them were invariable for them and for their posterity, in a short time the position of most of them would be far preferable to that of peoples who believe themselves free and who see half their revenues snatched away annually under the name of taxes. If William the Conqueror, for example, had declared himself the legitimate owner of all the men who inhabited the soil of England; if he had subjected them to the same obligation to which several colonists subject their blacks; and if neither he nor his successors had ever increased this obligation, is it not evident that the poorest would today be less taxed than they are; that the greater part of the population would long ago have become rich enough to buy themselves back, and that they would belong to no one but themselves? But the domains of the crown are inalienable! [^1482]: Larochefoucault, second part, volume IV, p. 87 and 88, volume V, p. 76, 77 and 78; third part, volume VI, p. 86 and 198; and volume VII, p. 54. [^1483]: Larochefoucault, Travels in the United States, second part, volume IV, p. 293 and 294, and third part, volume VI, p. 75. [^1484]: Ibid., second part, volume IV, p. 87, and third part, volume VI, p. 290 and 201. [^1485]: Dionysius of Halicarnassus, book II, § IX, and book IV, § XIII, volume I, pages 106 and 279. [^1486]: Dionysius of Halicarnassus, book IX, § XXV, volume II, p. 322. — At the end of the republic, the number of individuals in Rome receiving free distributions of grain amounted to 320,000. According to Suetonius, Caesar reduced this number by nearly half. (Suet. chap. XLI.) Two causes quite unrelated to the development of industry explain this reduction. The first is the immense number of Romans killed in the civil wars that took place at the end of the republic. The last census taken before these wars had put the number of citizens at 320,000; the one that took place when they were over put this number at only 150,000. (Plutarch, Life of Caesar, p. 888.) The second cause of the reduction in free distributions was the deportation of an immense number of poor families to cities whose inhabitants had been reaped by war: it was by means of such deportations that the aristocracy formed colonies. [^1487]: Dionysius of Halicarnassus, book VI, § XXVI and XXIX. [^1488]: Plutarch, Life of the Gracchi, p. 995. — See Dionysius of Halicarnassus, book X, § XXXVII, volume II, p. 424. [^1489]: Dionysius of Halicarnassus, book VI, § XXXVI, volume II, p. 36. [^1490]: Suetonius, Life of Caesar, ch. XLII, p. 139. — Plutarch, Life of Caesar. [^1491]: Not only does it result from the direct testimony of historians that the class of the population belonging neither to the master class nor to the slave class was exceedingly miserable; but it would have been difficult for it not to be so, when one sees that the aristocracy possessed at once great capital and a multitude of hands to make it productive. Crassus had, according to Plutarch's testimony, five hundred slaves who were all masons, carpenters, or architects. He also had a very large number who tilled his lands or worked in his mines. "But," adds the historian, "his greatest income came from his slaves who were readers, writers, goldsmiths, silversmiths, receivers, stewards, carving squires, and other table officers." (Plut., Life of Crassus.) If all these arts or all these trades were practiced by slaves for the profit of the aristocracy, and if, moreover, it had possession of all the lands which it had cultivated by its slaves, what resources could remain for the plebeians? Seeing such phenomena, one understands very well why the aristocracy took so much trouble to debase industrial occupations, and to have them declared unworthy of free men: it was the means of securing the monopoly for itself, through the hands of its slaves. [^1492]: Th. Jefferson is, I believe, the only one who has allowed himself to publish some observations on the moral effects of domestic slavery. [^1493]: The political writers who have sought to explain the decline of the arts, taste, customs, and even language among the ancients, have indulged in the most bizarre suppositions: they have supposed that it was in the destiny of nations, as in that of individuals, to have their childhood, their manhood, their old age, and their death, and with this supposition they have explained all the revolutions of the world; but none has thought to investigate how slavery contributed to this decline. Machiavelli, in his discourses on Livy, does not say a single word that might suggest he ever thought about the effects of slavery. Montesquieu paid it little more attention. Rousseau, so zealous a defender of political liberty, was so far from suspecting the effects produced by domestic servitude that he, in a way, made the latter the condition of the former. [^1494]: "for the sake of eating," says Sallust, "they sought everything from land and sea" (Vescendi causâ, terrâ marique omnia exquirêre). Cat. XIII. — The capacity of their stomachs not matching their voracity, several made themselves vomit before or after the meal in order to eat longer and more copiously. Cicero says, speaking of Caesar: "After the meal, he wished to vomit, and therefore ate more copiously" (Post cœnam, vomere volebat, ideòque largiùs edebat). [^1495]: See Plutarch, Lives of Sylla, Lucullus, Caesar, and especially Antony; see also the description of Roman meals given by A. Adam, Roman antiquities. [^1496]: "The Romans," says Plutarch, "having learned from the Greeks to bathe naked with men, have now in return taught them to strip and bathe naked with women." Life of M. Cato, p. 414. — One might believe, from this passage, that the ancient Romans were rigorous observers of the laws of decency; but one would be mistaken to form such an opinion of them; no other proof is needed than the custom of the priests to lead Vestal Virgins guilty of some fault to a secret place, and to whip them themselves after having stripped them naked. Plutarch, Life of Numa, p. 79. — Conjugal fidelity on the part of husbands was an uncommon virtue:

"What man is less content with one wife?" (Quis minùs vir unâ uxore contentus siet?)

PLAUT, Mercator, act. IV, scen. VIII. [^1497]: The poets have made up for the silence of the historians. See the comedies of Plautus and Terence. [^1498]: Livy, book VIII, volume IV, page 83 of the translation. — It is impossible not to recognize in these crimes the effects of the jealous furies that the rich slave-owners felt for their women. It is good to add that this fact, reported by Livy, took place in the finest times of the republic. Judge from this what the customs must have been when conquests had brought to Rome, as slaves, entire populations from all parts of the then-known world. In Rome, even in the time of Justinian and, consequently, long after the adoption of Christianity, not only was concubinage not considered immoral, but the laws themselves declared that it was not. Dig., lib. XXIII, tit. II, l. VIII, and lib. XXIV, tit. VII. See this entire last title. [^1499]: See Plutarch, Lives of Lucullus, Pompey, Caesar, Cato, Cicero, and Antony, p. 618, 764, 768, 781, 863, 931, 1051, and 1106. — Dionysius of Halicarnassus, book IV, § XXIV, volume I, p. 291. — Suetonius, Life of Caesar. — We will soon see how incest and adultery are natural consequences of slavery. [^1500]: Livy, year of Rome 539, volume VIII, page 273 of the Dureau de Lamalle translation. [^1501]: Livy, volume XIII, p. 251. [^1502]: It was principally to satisfy the tastes of this populace, of which the aristocracy incontestably formed the most degraded portion, that Caesar seized every opportunity to attack innocent nations, and even allies of the Romans; that he gave cities and temples over to plunder; that he reduced to servitude a multitude of industrious and free persons, and sold even kingdoms. Suet., Life of Caesar, ch. XXIV and LIV, p. 107 et seq. [^1503]: Dio., lib. XLVIII, § XV. [^1504]: If a traveler told us of a Barbary prince or an Asiatic despot a series of facts such as those that history attributes to Trajan, we would consider him the most ferocious and most horrible of tyrants; but these facts were commanded by a man who spoke Latin; they were ordered for the amusement of the masters; they were executed upon men whom force had enslaved, and consequently he who ordered them is a hero. Our poets put him on our stages, and high society goes to applaud him. [^1505]: Slaves taken in war were always put in chains, whether they were tied to the door of their masters' house like ferocious beasts, or whether they were tasked with cultivating the fields. [^1506]: Tac. Ann., lib. XIV, cap. XLIII. [^1507]: On the contrary, it follows from a passage in Plautus that women were crucified like men:

"By Hercules, I will straightaway give you as a pupil to the cross." (Continuo herclè ego te dedam discipulam cruci).

Aulularia, act. I, scen. II.

The practice of putting slaves to death by nailing them to a cross only ceased when the Roman emperors adopted the Christian religion; and what is remarkable in the abolition of this horrible punishment is that it was brought about, not by a feeling of humanity towards enslaved men, but, on the contrary, because of the excessive contempt held for them; they were judged unworthy to die the same kind of death as the founder of the prince's religion.

It appears that the Romans, after having nailed a slave alive to a cross, never took him down, but left him there until he fell to pieces. This seems all the more plausible to me as they never buried the bodies of enemies left on the battlefield. These two causes combined were more than sufficient to infect the country; thus it was attacked by the plague almost as regularly as Turkey is today. The history of Livy records that it appeared eleven times in the course of a century; namely: in the years 288, 300, 320, 322, 327, 344, 356, 363, 367, 371, and 391 from the founding of Rome. When this barbarous people was infected with the plague, it no more investigated the causes, and took no more precautions than the Turks; but it drove out the learned and held processions. [^1508]: The patricians could never fall into the slavery of their creditors, their plebeian clients being obliged to pay their debts. If one adds to this circumstance that most of the creditors belonged to the aristocracy, one will understand how the laws against insolvent debtors were always so cruel. [^1509]: This explains the senate's policy of never exchanging or ransoming prisoners: the members of the aristocracy were ransomed by the plebeians; but the plebeians were ransomed by no one. [^1510]: Dionysius of Halicarnassus, book XI, paragraph 30, vol. II, p. 487. — Modern aristocracies have been less clever than the Roman aristocracy: they have often, like it, absorbed the wealth of the men they considered debased, but it has only been by allying with them. To have the dowry, it was necessary to marry the woman; a Roman patrician left the woman and took the dowry. By this means, he maintained the splendor of his race without sullying its purity. J.-J. Rousseau regretted that this ancient institution of patrons and clients did not pass down to us. [^1511]: I am not unaware that I am here attacking a very widespread prejudice: there is no young man leaving college, there is no gray-bearded schoolboy, who does not speak with imperturbable assurance of Roman good faith and Carthaginian perfidy. We know of no history of Carthage written by men of that nation, or by impartial judges; and the Romans, before the destruction of their republic, hardly went to foreign nations, except to find out what there was to plunder and to carry out their rapine there. It would be difficult for us, therefore, to say what the customs of the Carthaginians were; we only know that they were a very active and very industrious people; that they repaired by their industry and their commerce the ravages produced by war, and that, to live in abundance, they had no need to deceive anyone. But, to know the customs of the Romans, it is not necessary to resort to inferences: it is enough to read their history, not as most modern writers have made it, but as their own historians or the Greek historians have transmitted it to us. "One sees that the Romans, even in the beginnings of their empire," says Machiavelli, "made use of bad faith. It is always necessary for anyone who wishes to rise from a mediocre state to the greatest powers; it is all the less blameworthy the more it is concealed, as was that of the Romans." Discourses on Livy, book II, ch. XIII. [^1512]: Dionysius of Halicarnassus, book VI, ch. V, volume II, p. 51. [^1513]: There is one virtue that has made the Romans forgiven for the numerous vices whose existence history has recorded: it is patriotism; at the approach of the enemy, dissensions subsided, parties united in the interest of common salvation; in the moment of danger, generals devoted themselves to certain death to ensure victory for their army; generals who returned victorious were honored with brilliant rewards; a citizen accused of a capital crime had the faculty of escaping the ultimate punishment by exiling himself from his country, so that the loss of the fatherland was put on a level with the death penalty.There is nothing extraordinary in all this, nothing that would not be seen among any people whatsoever, were they placed in the same circumstances. Among the peoples of that age, defeat did not merely deliver the vanquished army to the discretion of the victor; it delivered every member of the family to slavery. If they were taken, they were dispersed and sold like a vile herd, without any hope of seeing one another again. A soldier was therefore faced with the alternative of conquering or seeing his father, his mother, his wife, his sons, his daughters fall to the rank of things; this, according to Dionysius of Halicarnassus, is the secret of Roman patriotism (book VI, § VII, volume II, p. 7). The patriotism of savages is founded on analogous causes. The option left to those accused of capital crimes, to go into exile before judgment, is explained by the state of the legislation. A Roman who went to live among a foreign people was, by that fact alone, considered to have ceased to exist; he lost his wife, his children, his property; he was lower than what a person who is civilly dead is among the moderns: to renounce one’s fatherland was to renounce everything that could make life bearable. [^1514]: Barrow, New Voyage, volume II, ch. V, p. 200 and 201. [^1515]: Barrow, New Voyage into the Southern Part of Africa, volume I, ch. I, p. 130 and 131. — Levaillant, second Voyage, volume I, p. 46 and 47. [^1516]: Barrow, ibid., volume I, ch. I, p. 96 and 97, and volume II, ch. V, page 172. [^1517]: Barrow, ibid., volume I, ch. I, p. 131 and 132. [^1518]: Levaillant, first Voyage, volume I, p. 76. [^1519]: Barrow, ibid., volume I, ch. I, p. 130. [^1520]: Barrow, ibid., volume I, ch. I, p. 128. [^1521]: Levaillant, first Voyage, volume I, p. 76. — The wives of slave-owners in the colonies have a brake that Roman women did not: they could not form liaisons with their slaves without the children born of these unions bearing the marks of their incontinence. [^1522]: Barrow, ibid., volume I, ch. I, p. 136, 137 and 138. [^1523]: Barrow, ibid., volume I, ch. I, p. 136. [^1524]: Sparrman, Voyage to the Cape of Good Hope, volume III, ch. XVI, p. 264 and 265. — The first objects to attract Sparrman’s gaze, upon arriving at the Cape of Good Hope, were wheels and gibbets, and seven individuals who had been hanged or broken on the wheel the same day. (Volume I, ch. II, sect. IV, p. 72 and 73.) What first struck Levaillant was a multitude of white slaves. The former could judge at first sight the cruelty of the masters; the latter, their immorality. [^1525]: Barrow, ibid., volume I, ch. I, p. 121 and 142. [^1526]: Barrow, volume I, ch. I, p. 122 and 123. [^1527]: Ibid., volume I, ch. I, p. 171. [^1528]: Levaillant, first Voyage, volume I, p. 77. — Thunberg, Travels in Africa, etc., ch. II, p. 18. [^1529]: Barrow, ibid., volume I, ch. I, p. 138 and 139. [^1530]: Thunberg, ch. II, p. 28. — Barrow, ibid., volume I, ch. I, page 138. [^1531]: Sparrman, volume III, ch. XVI, p. 264, 265 and 266. — Barrow, ibid., volume I, ch. I, p. 52. [^1532]: Barrow, ibid., volume I, ch. I, p. 52. — The colonists are no less cruel to their domestic animals than to their slaves; but the picture of their customs is already so horrible that I must avoid adding to it. [^1533]: Barrow, ibid., volume I, chapter I, page 130. It is unheard of for a foreigner, pleading at the Cape against a colonist, to have won his case. [^1534]: Barrow, ibid., volume I, ch. I, p. 132 and 133. [^1535]: Levaillant, second Voyage, volume I, p. 46 and 50. — Raynal painted with the most brilliant colors the candor, simplicity, goodness, and innocence of the colonists of the Cape of Good Hope; his imagination often supplied the details for his pictures. Philosophical History of the Two Indies, volume I, book II, p. 408 and 409. [^1536]: English postmasters find it more economical to exhaust a good horse in a few years and then replace it, than to require only moderate work from it and feed it well to make it last longer: this is the calculation made by the owners of men in the colonies. [^1537]: Stedman, Voyage to Surinam and in the Interior of Guiana, volume II, ch. XVIII, p. 209 and 215. [^1538]: Stedman, volume II, ch. XIII, p. 19, 20 and 21. — See also p. 31 and 32 of the same volume, and volume I, ch. IX, p. 266 and 267. [^1539]: Voyage to Surinam, volume II, ch. XVII, p. 216. [^1540]: Ibid., volume I, ch. VI, p. 160. [^1541]: Ibid., passim. [^1542]: Voyage to Surinam, volume II, ch. XVII, p. 190 and 171, and vol. III, ch. XXVII, p. 101 and 102. [^1543]: Only the sentiments of offended pride and jealousy can explain the cruelties committed by the wives of colonists against the children of their female slaves. Stedman reports that the wife of a colonist, in response to the representations that some of her slaves dared to make regarding an excess to which her jealousy had driven her, smashed the skull of a child who was there; but he was what is called quarteronné (quadroon), that is, the son of a mulatto woman and a white man. She also had the heads of two negro children cut off who had tried to oppose the murder; but these two children belonged to the same family. Here, according to Stedman, were the consequences of these three murders:

When she (the mistress) had left the plantation, the two heads were wrapped in a silk handkerchief and carried by their parents to Paramaribo, where they laid them at the governor’s feet, to whom they addressed the following speech:

Your excellency, here is the head of my son and here is that of his brother, which our mistress had cut off because they had tried to prevent one of the murders she commits daily. We know well that, being slaves, our deposition is not received; but if these bloody heads appear sufficient proof of what we say, we beg that a renewal of such atrocities be prevented; we will be forever grateful, and we will gladly shed our blood for the preservation of our master, our mistress, and the colony.

They replied to these unfortunate people that they were liars, and that they were condemned to be flogged in all the streets of Paramaribo. This iniquitous sentence was executed with the greatest cruelty. Voyage to Surinam, volume II, ch. XVII, p. 170 and 172. — See also on the jealousies of women and the crimes that are their consequences, volume I, ch. VI and IX, p. 166, 167, 266 and 267. [^1544]: Stedman, volume III, ch. XXIX, p. 198. [^1545]: These instruments of torture are hemp ropes of great length, which cut into the flesh at each blow, and make a crack like the detonation of a pistol. Stedman, volume II, ch. XXV, p. 210. [^1546]: Stedman, volume III, ch. XXV, p. 82 and 83. [^1547]: Raynal, Philosophical History, volume VI, book XII, page 421. — Stedman, volume III, ch. XXV, p. 81, 82 and 83. — The severity of punishments is less in proportion to the faults of the slaves than in proportion to their value. A handsome young man and a beautiful woman can commit serious offenses, and get away with a light punishment, if the offense does not directly touch the master. They are properties whose value one fears to diminish by degrading them; it is found more advantageous to sell them than to destroy them. But an old man, a weak or ill-constituted individual, cannot commit the slightest negligence without incurring the most severe punishments. These are properties without value, which even end up becoming a burden; as soon as they have become unproductive, the interest of the masters is to hasten their destruction, and this is indeed what they do. (Stedman, volume II, ch. XIV, p. 45 and 46.) The colonists make the same argument as Cato the Censor. [^1548]: The punishment called spanso-bocko is inflicted in the following manner: The condemned man’s hands are tied and his knees are passed between his arms; he is then laid on his side, and held trussed up like a chicken by means of a stake to which he is attached, and which is driven into the ground. In this position, he can no more move than if he were dead. Then a negro armed with a handful of gnarled tamarind branches strikes him until his skin is removed; he then turns him to the other side, strikes him in the same way, and the blood soaks the ground at the place of execution. When it is finished, to prevent the flesh from mortifying, the unfortunate man is washed with lemon juice in which gunpowder has been dissolved. This operation completed, he is sent back to his hut to heal himself, if he can. Stedman, vol. III, ch. XXVII, p. 122 and 123, and volume II, ch. XIII, p. 24 and 25. [^1549]: Stedman, vol. I, ch. XII, p. 393. [^1550]: Stedman, volume I, ch. VI, p. 145 and 147. — Report of the committee of the society for the mitigation and gradual abolition of slavery, p. 15. London 1824. — These details of the colonists' cruelties, which I greatly soften by abridging them, will seem incredible to more than one reader. Perhaps, too, one will be disposed to think that they were committed in extraordinary circumstances, and at a remarkably barbarous period. I myself initially had this thought, but I later recognized its inaccuracy. The English government, which now possesses this colony, proposed to soften the lot of the slaves. In order not to do anything by chance, it sent to Demerara a senior officer whom it charged with examining the facts. During my stay in England, I had occasion to meet this officer, and I asked him to tell me if the customs described by Stedman were truly those of the colonists. "What makes the colonists so cruel," he replied, "is the ease with which slaves can flee into the forests, and the difficulty of recapturing them." This explanation, which confirms the traveler's reports, is exactly the same as that given by Raynal, Philosophical History, volume VI, book XI, p. 421. [^1551]: Stedman, volume I, ch. XII, p. 393. [^1552]: Ibid, ch. I and V, p. 31 and 131; volume III, ch. XXV and XXVII, p. 16, 17, 120 and 121. [^1553]: Bougainville, second part, vol. II, ch. VIII, p. 228 and 231. [^1554]: Thunberg, ch. VIII, p. 227, 228, 234 and 235. — Cook, first Voyage, book III, ch. XII, volume IV, p. 345. [^1555]: Cook, first Voyage, book II, ch. XII, volume IV, p. 346. — The Chinese and the Malays have particular judges in civil matters. Ibid. — See Bougainville, vol. II, second part, p. 169 and 175. — Cook, first Voyage, book III, ch. VIII, IX and XII, p. 207, 252, 253 and 354. — Thunberg, ch. VII, p. 238 and 239. — Dentrecasteaux, vol. I, ch. VII, p. 155 and 156. — Labillardière, vol. I, chapter VIII. — MacLeod, chapter IX. [^1556]:

The Bahama Islands are the poorest and least productive of the west Indian colonies. They raise scarcely any exportable produce. Their productions are chiefly confined to cattle, live stock and provisions. Hence the pecuniary resources of the proprietors are generally small. In the Bahama Islands, however, the slaves are far better off than they are in any other British colony. They are better treated, more lightly worked, and more abundantly fed. The common allowance of food is from two to three times as great as in the Leeward Islands.

Report of the committee of the society for the mitigation and gradual abolition of slavery, etc., p. 34 and 35. London, 1824. — East and west India sugar, etc., p. 86. [^1557]: It is particularly the planters of the sugar colonies who reside in England. East and west India sugar, or a refutation of the claims of the west India colonists, etc., p. 56. London, 1823.

One can get an idea of the number of English planters who reside in England from the number of those who sit in the House of Commons; this latter number, in 1825, was fifty-six. Second report of the committee of the society for the mitigation and gradual abolition of slavery throughout the British dominions, p. 63. London, 1825. [^1558]: The island of Saint Helena is cultivated almost exclusively by negroes. They were transported there as slaves by the first colonists; and it is rare for white men to be willing to submit to working on a common task in places where there are negro slaves by whom it can be done. Macartney, Voyage to China and Tartary, vol. IV, ch. III, p. 197. [^1559]: Cooper’s Facts illustrative of the condition of the negro slaves in Jamaica, p. 47. London, 1824. [^1560]: Although the planters' agents cannot indulge in the same luxury as the masters, they are rich enough to habitually give themselves over to intemperance. This vice is so general, and seems so natural, that, in the best societies, everyone recounts that he has been drunk, or that he proposes to get drunk, as one recounts elsewhere that one has had or proposes to have a cup of tea or coffee. One sees, by this, that drunkenness is not the exclusive preserve of cold climates, as Montesquieu claimed. Cooper’s Facts illustrative of the condition of the negro slaves in Jamaica, p. 37. [^1561]: Stewart’s View of the past and present state of Jamaica, p. 173, 174 and 175. — Cooper’s Facts illustrative of the condition of the negro slaves in Jamaica, p. 35, 36 and 37. — Negro Slavery, or a view of some of the more prominent features of that state of society, etc., p. 56, 57, 58, 59. London, 1824. [^1562]: Cooper’s Facts illustrative of the condition of the negro slaves in Jamaica, p. 42. [^1563]: The English government has authorized, in its colonies, slaves to lodge a complaint before a magistrate, in cases where they believe themselves to be unjustly mistreated. Here is the complaint of a father and the deposition of one of his daughters, against the administrator of a plantation. I report it verbatim so as not to alter its naivety. The father says:

The manager wanted my daughter Peggi. I said "No". He followed her. I said, "No." He asked me three times. I said, "No." Manager asked me again friday night. I refused. Satursday morning he flogged me. This thing hurt me, and I come to complain.As Peggi was ill and could not appear before the magistrate, her sister Aqueshaba gives the following deposition: Says, that manager sent aunty grace to call Peggi, and to say if she would not come I must. We said, daddy said must not go ; I was to young. Grace left us and went to daddy ; shortly afterwards she returned and tried to coax me to go, but I would not, as my daddy ad forbid it. Grace went and told manager ; manager sent to call Fanny ; Fanny went. The manager was up in his room ; and all of us, the creoles, got orders to watchmen at manager’s door*. The slave colonies of Great-Britain, or a Picture of negro slavery drawn by the colonist themselves ; being an abstract of the various papers recently laid before parlement on that subject, p. 145, 146 and 147. London, 1825. [^1564]: Thomas Cooper’s Facts illustrative of the condition of the negro slaves in Jamaïca, p. 31 and 32. [^1565]: Ibid., p. 3 and 32. [^1566]: Thomas Cooper’s Facts, etc., p. 2, 3, 32 and 33. [^1567]: This ration was fixed by the legislature of Antigua; and the act by which it was determined was called the Amelioration Act. James Cooper’s Relief for the West-Indian distress, p. 19. London, 1823. [^1568]: Negro Slavery, etc. London, 1824, p. 36 and 57. Fourth edition. [^1569]: The slave colonies of Great-Britain, p. 16. London, 1825. [^1570]: Thomas Cooper’s Facts illustrative of the condition of the negro slaves in Jamaïca, p. 16 and 17. — Negro Slavery, p. 63, 64. [^1571]: Whether we consider the frightful sound which reaches our ears every minute in passing trough states, by the crack of the lash; or the power with which drivers are provided to excroise punishment ; it would be desirable that such a weapon of arbitrary and unjust authority were taken from them. Negro Slavery, etc. p. 63 and 64. 4th. London, 1824. [^1572]: Thomas Cooper’s Facts illustrative of the condition of the negro slaves in Jamaïca, p. 22. — Negro Slavery, p. 64 and 67. [^1573]: Roughley’s Guide, p. 70, 80. — T. Cooper’s Facts illustrative of the condition of the negro slaves in Jamaïca, p. 49. [^1574]: Th. Cooper’s Facts illustrative of the condition of the negro slavery in Jamaïca, p. 57. [^1575]: I refrain from reporting the horrible details of these cruelties, established before the English Parliament. The substance of them can be found in the debates of the House of Commons of March 16, 1824. (Debate in the house of commons on the 16th day of march 1824, p. 32, 33, 34.) I will limit myself to citing the execution carried out by a colonist himself on his slaves, because the judgment that accompanies it can serve to make known the spirit of the masters.

In 1810, a magistrate named Huggins, armed with a cart-whip, publicly inflicted, in the marketplace of Nevis, in the presence of several other magistrates, the following number of blows on naked men or women; to wit:

To a negro man, 115; to another, 65; to another, 47; to another, 165; to another, 242; to another, 212; to another, 181; to another, 59; to another, 187. To a negro woman, 110; to another woman, 58; to another woman, 97; to another woman, 212; to another woman, 291; to another woman, 83; to another woman, 49; to another woman, 68; to another woman, 89; to another, 56. — In all, 2,286.

The son of this magistrate, when questioned about the motives for these punishments, replied that his father had thought that moderate measures, steadily pursued, were most likely to produce obedience: He conceived that moderate measures, steadily pursued, were most likely to produce obedience. Debate in the house of commons on the 16th day of march 1824, p. 31.

If such are the effects of moderation, let one judge the effects that rage must produce in excessively irascible men.

Debate in the house of commons on the 16th day of march 1824, p. 33. London, 1824. [^1576]: Second report of the committee of the society for the mitigation and gradual abolition of slavery, p. 144, 145. [^1577]: Debate in the house of commons, on the 16th of march 1824, p. 37, 38. — The colonial magistrates, in several islands, are, for their salaries, dependent on the masters. One can judge, from this, the protection they grant to the slaves. Report of the committee, etc., p. 7, 58, 59. [^1578]: The slave colonies of Great-Britain, or a Picture of negro slavery drawn by the colonist themselves, p. 8, 40. — Second report of the committee of the society for the mitigation and gradual abolition of slavery throughout the British dominions, p. 141, 143, 147, 148, 150, 151, 152. [^1579]: The slave colonies of Great-Britain, or a Picture of negro slavery drawn by the colonist themselves, p. 150. [^1580]: Substance of the debate in the house of commons, on the 15th may 1823, etc., appendix S., p. 204, 205. [^1581]: Substance of the debate in the house of commons, on the 15th may 1823, appendix, p. 224, 225. London, 1823. — Debate in the house of commons, 16th march 1824, p. 38, 39. — The slave colonies of Great-Britain, or a Picture of negro slavery drawn by the colonist themselves, p. 42. [^1582]: Williamson’s Medical and Miscellaneous observations, relative to the West-India islands, vol. I, p. 93. — Negro slavery, or a View of some of the more prominent features of that state of society, etc., p. 65. [^1583]: “The Turks,” says R. Bickell, “are certainly very harsh masters; they steal or plunder the different races of peoples subject to them, in addition to the tax they force them to pay; but, in no part of their empire, are there men who are degraded to the point of being obliged to work for their profit five or six days a week almost for free, of being kept in ignorance, and of being condemned in perpetuity to be nothing but wood-cutters or water-drawers.” The West Indies as they are, p. 62. [^1584]: See book II, ch. I and II, vol. I, p. 378 et seq. [^1585]: Larochefoucault, Travels in the United States, second part, vol. V, p. 176 and 177. [^1586]: Looking fairly therefore to all these circumstances, we ought not to be surprised to find that American theory is at least two centuries in advance of American practice. Fearon, 7th report, p. 366. — It was in 1816 that Fearon wrote this: he had been sent to the United States by a group of people who wanted to leave England to settle in those States, and he himself intended to emigrate; but, after he had examined the country, the customs of the inhabitants, and the difficulty of living there, he renounced this project, and had his friends renounce it as well. [^1587]: Nothing is so common as to encounter, in all countries, men who have two opposing doctrines: one which serves them to combat the oppression they endure; the other which serves them to justify the oppression they exercise. This is the history of all revolutions, and particularly of our own. One forms the theory when one is oppressed; but it is when one is the victor that one establishes the practice. [^1588]: Francis Hall, p. 457 and 460. — “Оf the proprietors of slaves, a very small proportion, indeed, are ever seen to labour.” Jefferson’s Notes, p. 241. — “All the small farmers seek to procure them (slaves) as soon as they have amassed the necessary money to buy them, and, as soon as they possess them, they themselves cease to work, and give themselves over to the indolence to which the state of a slave master naturally disposes.” De Larochefoucault, second part, vol. IV, p. 172. [^1589]: J. F. D. Smith, Travels in Canada and the United States, vol. I, ch. VI, p. 20 and 21. [^1590]: De Larochefoucault-Liancourt, Travels in the United States, second part, vol. IV, p. 10, 11 and 111, and vol. V, p. 92 and 93. — Travels in Canada and the United-States, by Francis Hall, p. 457 and 460. [^1591]: Robin, Travels in Louisiana, vol. III, ch. LXVIII, p. 213 and 214. [^1592]: Michaux, Travels to the West of the Allegheny Mountains, ch. XXIV, p. 242. — Fearon’s Sketches of America, 5th report, p. 190, 191. [^1593]: Larochefoucault, second part, vol. V, p. 92 and 93. [^1594]: Ibid., second part, vol. V, p. 35. [^1595]: “These reverend fathers,” says a traveler, “kept harems of black female slaves, who have become white through a succession of illegitimate commerce with their first masters.

“There still remain a great number of these beautiful creatures who are consecrated to the pleasures and libertinism of these old priests who have remained their possessors; for, since the destruction of their society, the government has let them enjoy their properties without disturbance.” J. F. D. Smith, vol. II, ch. IX, p. 84. [^1596]: Robin, vol. II, ch. XXXVIII, p. 119 and 120, and vol. III, ch. LXVIII, p. 199 and 200. [^1597]: Larochefoucault-Liancourt, fourth part, volume VIII, p. 166. [^1598]: Ibid., second part, vol. IV, p. 62. — Weld, Travels in Canada, vol. I, ch. XI, p. 174 and 175. — Francis Hall’s Travels in Canada and the United-States, p. 457, 460. — Negro Slavery, page 21. [^1599]: Larochefoucault-Liancourt, Travels in the United States, second part, vol. IV, p. 111, 312 and 313. [^1600]: Weld, Travels in Canada, vol. I, ch. XI, p. 175 and 176. [^1601]: Francis Hall, p. 426 and 427. [^1602]: Travels in Canada and the United-States, by lieut. Francis Hall, p. 429. — Michaux, Travels to the West of the Allegheny Mountains, ch. XXXII, p. 304. [^1603]: Travels in Canada and the United-States, by Francis Hall, p. 424. [^1604]: Fearon’s Sketches of America, p. 239 and 241.

Francis Hall, p. 429 and 432. — “The Americans, who boast of being the most humane on earth, are just as barbarous as others towards their slaves.” (Robin, Travels in Louisiana, vol. I, ch. XX, p. 283.) The punishments inflicted on the slaves of Louisiana bear the same characteristics of atrocity that we have observed in the Dutch colony of Guiana. The brutalization of the colonists reaches the point that the most horrible tortures and even murder no longer cause them remorse. Robin, vol. III, ch. LXVII, p. 177, 178 and 180.Francis Hall, p. 429 and 432. — “The Americans, who boast of being the most humane on earth, are just as barbarous as others towards their slaves.” (Robin, Voyage dans la Louisiane, vol. I, ch. XX, p. 283.) The punishments inflicted on the slaves of Louisiana bear the same characteristics of atrocity that we have observed in the Dutch colony of Guiana. The brutalization of the colonists reaches the point that the most horrible tortures and even murder no longer cause them remorse. Robin, vol. III, ch. LXVII, p. 177, 178 and 180. [^1605]: It follows evidently from this that the crime of teaching an enslaved man to read is a little more serious than the crime of having mutilated seven. From this, one can form an idea of the customs and religion of the American peoples who have slaves. [^1606]: Francis Hall, p. 424. [^1607]: Ibid., p. 424. [^1608]: Fearon, p. 268. — J. F. D. Smith, vol. I, ch. VI, p. 24. [^1609]: A dirk is said to be the common appendage to their dress. Fearon, 7 th report, p. 400. [^1610]: Robin, vol. II, ch. XLVII, p. 245. [^1611]: Francis Hall, p. 424. [^1612]: Jefferson’s Notes on Virginia, p. 241. — Robin observed in Louisiana the same phenomena as Jefferson in Virginia. Voyage dans la Louisiane, vol. III, ch. LXVII and LXVIII, p. 179 and 209. [^1613]: Small provocations, dit Fearon, insure the most relentless and violent resentments, duels are frequent. The dirk is an inseparable companion of all classes. Sketches of America, 5th report, p. 264. [^1614]: Larochefoucault, Voyage aux États-Unis, second part, vol. IV, p. 49 and 88. — Robin, Voyage dans la Louisiane, vol. III, ch. LXVII, p. 169. — Fearon, 6th report, p. 269, 270. — Francis Hall, p. 357, 360. [^1615]: Fearon, p. 58, 59, 60, 87, 115, 159 and 167. — F. Hall, p. 424 and 426. — Robin, Voyage à la Louisiane, vol. II, ch. XXXVIII, p. 120 and 121; and vol. III, ch. LXXII, p. 134 and 120. — Even in Philadelphia, the aristocracy of color is as strongly pronounced as in the States with the greatest number of slaves. “There exist a penal law,” says Fearon, “deeply written in the minds of the white population, which subjects their colored fellow-citizens to unconditional contumely and neverceasing insult. No respectability, however unquestionable, no property, however large, no character, however unblemished, will gain a man whose body is (in American estimation) cursed with even a twentieth portion of the blood of his African ancestry, admission into society! They are considered as mere pariahs, as out-cast and vagrants upon the face of the earth!” Sketches ofAmerica, 4th report, pag. 168 and 169. [^1616]: Robin, vol. II, ch. XXXVI, p. 120 and 121. — The colonists of Louisiana are mostly descended from prostitutes who were brought there by the shipload at the time of colonization. Robin, vol. II, ch. XXXII, p. 74 and 76. [^1617]: Fearon, 7th report, p. 382. — Morris Birkbeck’s Notes on a Journey in America, p. 20. — Larochefoucault, second part, vol. IV, p. 179 and 180. — Robin, vol. III, ch. LIX, p. 246. — Depons, vol. I, ch. II, p. 242. [^1618]: Francis Hall, p. 319, 320. [^1619]: In England, in the House of Commons that was dissolved in 1826, there were fifty-six members who were slave owners (second report of the committee of the society for the mitigation and gradual abolition of slavery, p. 63). Some English authors assert that butchers cannot be jurors in criminal matters; but how can owners of men be members of government in a free country? If the first of these two qualities excludes sentiments of humanity, what are the moral ideas that are compatible with the second? [^1620]: It is not possible to present the statistics of our colonies with the same accuracy as the statistics of the English colonies. The English ministry has nothing secret in this regard, neither for the parliament nor for the nation. Ours, on the contrary, publishes nothing on the state of the colonies, and seems to fear that one might look into what concerns them. In England, there are a multitude of societies that work to ensure that enslaved persons enjoy social guarantees, and which consequently collect and publish all the facts that concern them. In France, there are few people who think about the population of the colonies, or who at least are actively engaged with it. [^1621]: Robin, Voyage à la Louisiane, volume I, chap. III, pag. 40. — Nothing better proves the humiliation in which the planters of the French colonies have always held the men of the enslaved race than the acts of the colonial magistrates against free men who had some tint of African origin. A magistrate of Port-au-Prince wrote in 1770:

It is necessary to weigh down this class with the contempt and opprobrium to which it is destined at birth; it is only by breaking the springs of their soul that they are led to the good. This opinion is remarkable in that it conforms to the idea that Aristotle had of the qualities proper to a slave. In 1761, the council of Port-au-Prince enjoined notaries and priests to insert in their acts the qualities of negroes, mulattoes, and quadroons. In 1773, men of color were forbidden to take the names of their white fathers, and they were ordered to add to their baptismal name a surname drawn from the African idiom, so as not to destroy that insurmountable barrier that public opinion (of the colonists) has placed and that the wisdom of the government maintains. In 1779, people of color were forbidden to wear the clothing and finery used by whites, and they were ordered to wear characteristic marks proper to distinguish them, when by their color they approached the masters. See the laws and constitutions of the French colonies, by Moreau de Saint-Méri. See also the writing entitled: De la Noblesse de la peau, etc., by M. Grégoire, former bishop of Blois, chap. I, pag. 9, 10 and 11. [^1622]: Robin, vol. I, chap. XX, p. 281. — It has been observed that contempt for blacks has existed only among the peoples who have enslaved them. The prejudice of the nobility of color never existed among nations that had no colonies; among those that did, softened customs admitted some exceptions. Amo, a negro, took his doctoral degrees at the University of Wittenberg and then presided over theses defended by whites; Annibal, in Russia, became a lieutenant-general and director of engineering; Angelo-Soliman, generally esteemed at the court of Vienna, married a noble lady of Christiani; Jean Latinus was a professor in Granada. De la noblesse de la peau, or on the prejudice of whites against the color of Africans and that of their black and mixed-blood descendants, by M. Grégoire, former bishop of Blois, chap. III, p. 21. [^1623]: Robin, volume I, chap. III, pag. 44 and 45. — The custom of leaving one's children in slavery or selling them like beasts is so general among owners of men that they are astonished at the scruples that people raised in free countries have in this regard. Stedman, having freed a child he had with a slave woman from Surinam, says that some honest people applauded his sensitivity; but, he adds, “the greater number disapproved of my paternal tenderness, and treated it as weakness or folly.” Volume III, ch. 29, p. 198. [^1624]: Dauxion-Lavaysse, volume I, ch. 6, p. 284 and 285. [^1625]: Dauxion-Lavaysse, volume I, ch. VI, p. 271. [^1626]: Raynal, Hist. philosoph., vol. VI, book II, p. 269. [^1627]: Depons, Voyage à la partie orientale de la Terre-Ferme. [^1628]: See a remarkable example in the note on page 251 of this volume. [^1629]: Second report of the committee of the society for the mitigation and gradual abolition of slavery, p. 149, 150, 154. [^1630]: Ibid. p. 157. [^1631]: Several of these official reports have been communicated to the English Parliament. Here is one from the Chevalier de Gannes, a colonist from the Isle de France. I report it in preference to others, for the reason that it proves at the same time the incapacity of the slaves, the inconveniences attached to their service, and the pride and irascibility of the masters. It must be admitted, however, that the case was serious; for it concerned the Chevalier's dinner, and the culprit was his cook. This day, Sunday of the month of September, in the year 1824, at five o'clock in the afternoon, arriving from the city where I had been to hear mass, I asked for my dinner, which was served to me at once. Finding that nothing was cooked, and that the butter I had given myself before my departure (in the absence of my wife) was missing, I had my cook named Raphael Faxa, a young negro, aged twenty-two to twenty-five, called. He had already left and was no longer in my kitchen; I waited for him until seven o'clock in the evening when I had him called. He answered from the negro huts where he was, and returned to his kitchen: I asked him where he was coming from, why he had been absent before I had dined, why nothing was cooked, unprepared, without butter and other ingredients that go into the preparation of dishes. He answered me with brutality and straining his voice to the utmost, that when dinner was served he could leave, that he was in the negro huts, and that it was from there that he had answered. I ordered him to lower his voice. The mouth is for speaking, he told me, and no one can stop me. I am going to put you in the stocks, I told you, for your voice, your cries, and your insolent and disrespectful answers. No, I will not go to the stocks, because I have done nothing; and only thieves are put in the stocks, and I have not stolen. Being young and very nimble, with every step I took, he moved away, always keeping a great distance from me. Having no one with me but two servant girls incapable of stopping him, I was forced to retire. The next day, Monday, at seven o'clock in the evening, the negroes having gathered to say their prayers, I had the man named Manuel Gaytan, a free man of color, of age, who was in one of my negro huts, called, and in his presence, I had my overseer give him, before the door of my house, twelve lashes of the whip, while he was standing and dressed in his clothes. He uttered no word during the blows he received; but, when the whipping stopped, he remained for a long moment standing in the same posture, after which, to defy his master, he said, Is that all? remained there for a few minutes and went away!

Signed, the Ch. de Gannes, commandant.

MANUEL GAETAN.

Nothing irritates owners of men as much as the firmness and apparent insensibility of slaves, because there is nothing that makes them feel their impotence better. In another official report, the same Chevalier de Gannes recounts that after having had fifteen lashes of the whip given to an eighteen-year-old slave, who had left his hut half an hour later than the others, he wanted to make remonstrances to him. “At every word I uttered,” he says, “he strove to cough violently, and so loudly that he drowned out my voice and forced me to be silent. The latest ordinances not permitting two successive punishments, I was obliged to retire amid the derision of my slave and to swallow this humiliation!!!) The slave colonies of Great-Britain, p. 121, 122. [^1632]: Depons, Voyage à la partie orientale de la Terre-Ferme dans l’Amérique méridionale, vol. I, ch. II, p. 182, 183 and 184. [^1633]: Depons, vol. II, ch. V, p. 93, 94, 95, 96 and following. — Dauxion-Lavaysse, passim. [^1634]: De Humboldt, Essai politique sur la Nouvelle-Espagne, vol. V, book VI, ch. XIV, pag. 65. — Depons, vol. II, ch. VII, p. 325 and 326.

Here are the names of some writers whose works were prohibited by the inquisition: Bayle, Voltaire, Rousseau, Raynal, the abbé Racine, Fleuri, Adisson, Arnaud, d’Argenson, Beccaria, Marmontel, Boileau, La Fontaine, La Bruyère, Burlamaqui, Condillac, Montesquieu, Helvétius, Fontenelle, Hume, Puffendorf, Vatel, Filangieri, Mably, Millot. Depons, vol. II, ch. VI, p. 101 and 102.Here are the names of some writers whose works were prohibited by the inquisition: Bayle, Voltaire, Rousseau, Raynal, the abbé Racine, Fleuri, Adisson, Arnaud, d’Argenson, Beccaria, Marmontel, Boileau, La Fontaine, La Bruyère, Burlamaqui, Condillac, Montesquieu, Helvétius, Fontenelle, Hume, Puffendorf, Vatel, Filangieri, Mably, Millot. Depons, vol. II, ch. VI, p. 101 and 102. [^1635]: De Humboldt, Political Essay on New Spain, vol. V, bk. VI, ch. XIII, p. 12. — Dauxion-Lavaysse, Voyage to the islands of Trinidad, etc., vol. II, ch. VIII, p. 254 and 255, and ch. X, p. 445 and 464. [^1636]: Depons, Voyage to the Eastern Part of the Mainland, vol. III, p. 34 et seq. — Dauxion-Lavaysse, vol. II, ch. VIII, p. 262. [^1637]: Dauxion-Lavaysse, vol. II, ch. VIII, p. 263 et seq. — Depons, vol. III, p. 34 et seq. [^1638]: Depons, Voyage to the Eastern Part of the Mainland, vol. III, ch. IX, p. 40 et seq. [^1639]: Depons, vol. II, ch. VI, p. 153 et seq. [^1640]: The bull of the living had the effect of reassuring consciences, with regard to all kinds of vices or crimes; the bull of composition legitimized a great number of thefts; the bull of the dead was a passport that the living sent to their deceased friends or relatives, to enter paradise; the bull of the crusade was a dispensation from the obligation to go and exterminate the infidels; the bull of eggs and dairy was permission to eat these two types of food on any day of the year. Depons, vol. III, ch. IX, and Dauxion-Lavaysse, vol. II, ch. VIII. [^1641]: Voyage to the Equinoctial Regions, vol. IV, ch. XII, p. 165. [^1642]: De Humboldt, Political Essay on New Spain, vol. I, bk. I, ch. I, and bk. II, ch. IV, p. 221 and 342, and vol. II, bk. II, ch. VII, page 38. [^1643]: Ibid., vol. II, bk. II, ch. VII, p. 38. [^1644]: De Humboldt, Voyage to the Equinoctial Regions, vol. IV, bk. IV, ch. XII, p. 346 and 147. — Depons puts the population of the same province at only 728,000 individuals, of whom he counts 291,200 as freedmen, designated by the name of people of color: vol. I, ch. III, p. 251 and 252. [^1645]: De Humboldt, Voyage to the Equinoctial Regions, vol. II, bk. II, ch. V, p. 313. [^1646]: Dauxion-Lavaysse, vol. II, ch. VIII, p. 160, 206 and 207. — De Humboldt, Tableaux de la Nature, vol. I, p. 41, 42 and 176. — Voyage to the Equinoctial Regions, vol. V, bk. V, ch. XV, p. 132 and 133, and vol. VI, bk. VI, ch. XVI, p. 160. — Azara, Voyage in South America, vol. II, ch. XIV, p. 269 and 270. [^1647]: De Humboldt, Voyage to the Equinoctial Regions, vol. IV, bk. IV, ch. XII, p. 161, and vol. V, bk. V, ch. XV, p. 132. — Depons, vol. II, ch. VII, p. 319. [^1648]: De Humboldt, Political Essay on New Spain, vol. II, bk. 1, ch. VII, p. 46. [^1649]: De Humboldt, Voyage to the Equinoctial Regions, vol. IV, bk. IV, ch. XII, p. 161. [^1650]: De Humboldt, Political Essay, vol. II, bk. II, ch. VII, p. 51. [^1651]: De Humboldt, Voyage to the Equinoctial Regions, vol. IV, bk. IV, ch. XIII, p. 210 and 211. [^1652]: Voyage in South America, vol. II, ch. XV, p. 276, 277 and 278. [^1653]: Azara, Voyage in South America, vol. II, ch. XV, p. 284. [^1654]: Azara, vol. II, ch. XIV, p. 273. [^1655]: Depons, vol. I, ch. III, p. 261 and 262. — The king of Spain having granted letters of whiteness to all the inhabitants of a village, the zambos, a race descended from copper-colored people and blacks, found themselves in the majority in the municipal elections. From that moment, the whites were considered the debased race, and consequently excluded from all functions that were appointed by the people. They found the pride of the zambos so unbearable that they all abandoned the village. Dauxion-Lavaysse, vol. II, ch. VIII, p. 171, 172 and 173. [^1656]: Depons, vol. I, ch. III, p. 260. [^1657]: The pride of the whites brings its own punishment, because it often deprives them of the help they could find in the other classes. An old sergeant, a native of Murcia, asked M. de Humboldt and his traveling companion for a remedy for the gout from which he suffered cruelly. “I know,” he told them, “that a zambo from Valencia, who is a famous curioso, can cure me; but the zambo wants to be treated with a respect that one cannot have for a man of his color, and I prefer to remain in the state I am in.” Voyage to the Equinoctial Regions, vol. VI, bk. VI, ch. XVII, p. 8. [^1658]: Depons, vol. III, ch. X, p. 99. [^1659]: Ibid., ch. X, p. 10. [^1660]: Ibid., p. 106 and 107. [^1661]: Depons, vol. III, ch. X, p. 108 and 109. [^1662]: Ibid., p. 115, 116 and 117. To the circumstance of slavery must be added the presence of all the administrative, judicial, and ecclesiastical authorities. — Adam Smith observed long ago that industry always flees the presence of high authorities, and that beggars accompany them. [^1663]: Depons, vol. III, ch. X, p. 144 and 145. — Depons places Valencia under the tenth degree of north latitude, about eight degrees closer to the equator than Saint-Domingue. [^1664]: De Humboldt, Voyage to the Equinoctial Regions, vol. V, bk. V, ch. XVI, p. 230. [^1665]: Dauxion-Lavaysse, vol. II, ch. VII, p. 156 and 157. [^1666]: Depons, vol. III, ch. X, p. 147, 148, 149 and 150. — Dauxion-Lavaysse, vol. II, ch. VIII, p. 157. — M. de Humboldt, who was struck by the appearance of ease that reigns in these valleys, puts their population at 52,000 inhabitants, or 2,000 souls per square league: this is the same proportion observed in the most populated parts of France. The owner of these valleys, the Count of Tovar, is the author of the astonishing revolution that has taken place there in a small number of years; he set out to free the slaves from the tyranny of their masters, to transform the freedmen into farmers, and to deliver the masters from the leprosy of slavery; his efforts obtained the success they deserved. See M. de Humboldt, Voyage to the Equinoctial Regions, vol. V, bk. V, ch. XV, p. 142, 143 et seq. [^1667]: Depons, vol. III, ch. X, p. 151. [^1668]: Depons, vol. III, ch. X, p. 158 et seq. [^1669]: Ibid., ch. X, p. 234 and 235. — Dauxion-Lavaysse, vol. II, ch. VIII. — De Humboldt, Voyage to the Equinoctial Regions, vol. V, bk. V, ch. XV, p. 152. [^1670]: A very large number of the cultivators of the Aragua valleys are black or mulatto; but they are free. De Humboldt, Voyage to the Equinoctial Regions, ibid. [^1671]: Voyage to the Eastern Part of the Mainland, vol. I, ch. III, p. 195. — Azara had already made the same observation, and M. de Humboldt confirmed it.

In Mexico, the Spanish government employed convicts in the work of the manufactories, and consequently the workshops had to be converted into prisons: from this resulted a profound contempt for this kind of occupation, and consequently the men of the working class became beggars. De Humboldt, Political Essay, vol. IV, bk. V, ch. XII, p. 294, 295 et seq. [^1672]: Political Essay, vol. V, bk. VI, ch. XIV, p. 59. [^1673]: Voyage to the Eastern Part of the Mainland, vol. I, ch. III, p. 205, 206, 207 and 260. [^1674]: The practice of marking enslaved individuals with a hot iron is almost general in some of the English colonies. R. Bickell’s West Indies as they are, p. 38, 39 and 40. [^1675]: Depons, vol. I, ch. I, p. 247, 248 and 249. [^1676]: De Humboldt, Voyage to the Equinoctial Regions, vol. V, bk. V, ch. XV, p. 101. — Depons, vol. I, ch. III, p. 244 et seq. [^1677]: Voyage to the Equinoctial Regions, bk. III, ch. VIII, vol. III, p. 225 and 226. — Political Essay on New Spain, vol. II, bk. II, ch. VII, p. 46. — Depons, vol. I, ch. III, p. 257. [^1678]: Azara, Voyage in South America, vol. II, ch. XIV, p. 269 and 270. [^1679]: De Humboldt, Political Essay, vol. II, bk. II, ch. VII, p. 46. [^1680]: One must undoubtedly place, among the most powerful causes of the stationary state of the Spanish colonies, the oppression that the Spanish government brought to bear upon them, and which inspired in them an aversion to the inhabitants of the mother country, long before they had attempted to shake off the yoke. “It is clear,” says Azara, “that it is the cities that engender and propagate... this sort of estrangement, or rather decided aversion, that the creoles or children of Spaniards born in America have for the Europeans and for the Spanish government. This aversion is such that I have often seen it reign between children and their father and between husband and wife, when some were European and the others American.”

Voyage in South America, volume II, chapter XV, page 279. [^1681]: Nothing is more common, in the comedies of antiquity, than to see young slave girls who have lost their freedom only because they were stolen from their parents. [^1682]: Negro slavery, or a view of some of the more prominent features of that state of society, etc., 4th edition, p. 68, 75. — The slave colonies of Great-Britain, or a picture of negro slavery drawn by the colonists themselves, p. 17. [^1683]: Francis Hall, p. 422. [^1684]: Fearon, 5th report, p. 264. [^1685]: Larochefoucault, Travels in the United States, fourth part, vol. VII, p. 294. — Fearon, 2nd report, p. 56, 58; 5th report, p. 226, 227, 264. [^1686]: Raynal, Hist. philosoph., vol. IX, bk. XVIII, p. 177 and 178. — Weld, Travels in Canada and the United States, vol. I, ch. IX, p. 143. — Fearon’s Sketches of America, passim. [^1687]: Among the Romans, the cultivation of the land by slaves drove free men from the countryside into the capital; and, as the master class had seized the monopoly of all trades through the hands of its slaves, the population, which belonged to neither of these two classes, found itself deprived of all means of existence: hence that immense multitude of proletarians, who lived only on public distributions or the sale of votes in elections, and who found themselves the natural allies of Marius and Caesar. In the southern part of the United States of America, individuals who are neither masters nor slaves emigrate to the States where work is done by free hands, and go to hire themselves out as servants. Fearon, 2nd report, p. 57 and 58. — Larochefoucault-Liancourt, second part, vol. IV, p. 293 and 291; vol. V, p. 76, 77 and 78, third part; vol. VI, p. 86, and vol. VII, p. 54. [^1688]: Larochefoucault-Liancourt, third part, vol. VI, p. 198, 199, 200 and 201. [^1689]: Larochefoucault, second part, vol. IV, p. 87. [^1690]: Francis Hall, p. 318 and 320. [^1691]: Francis Hall, p. 424, 426. [^1692]: Francis Hall, p. 424, 426. [^1693]: Second report of the committee of the society for the mitigation and gradual abolition of slavery throughout the British dominions, p. 145, 148. — The slave colonies of Great-Britain, or a picture of negro slavery drawn by the colonists themselves, p. 29 and 97. [^1694]: Adam Smith observed that industry flees places that are the habitual residence of the great, and that consequently the population there is lazy, dissolute, and poor. The cause of this phenomenon is the same as that which exists in places where domestic slavery is established; it is the contempt attached to man's labor upon nature, and the honor accorded to the exploitation of an enslaved people. Smith’s Inquiry, book II, ch. III, vol. II, p. 10, 11 and 12. [^1695]: I have said that the question posed at the beginning of this chapter presupposes that the most considerable part of the human race should be considered only as a production machine that is more valuable the smaller the share of wealth it absorbs from what it produces. I want no other proof of this than the very terms in which Adam Smith expressed himself: The wear and tear of a free servant is equally at the expense of his master, and it generally cost him much less than that of a slave. The sum destined for replacing and repairing, if I may say so, the wear and tear of a slave, is commonly managed by a negligent master, or careless overseer. That destined for performing the same office with regard to the free man, is managed by the free man himself. Adam Smith’s Inquiry into the nature and causes of the wealth of nations. Book I, ch. VIII, page 122. [^1696]: Volume I, bk. I, ch. III, p. 78 and 79. [^1697]: “They are poor calculators,” says M. J.-B. Say, “who count force for everything and equity for nothing. This leads to the system of exploitation of the Bedouin Arabs who stop a caravan, and seize the goods it carries, at no other cost to them, they say, than a few days of ambush and a few pounds of gunpowder. There is no lasting and sure way to produce except that which is legitimate, and there is no legitimate way except that in which the advantages of one are not acquired at the expense of the other.” Treatise on Political Economy, bk. I, ch. XIX, volume I, p. 365, 5th ed. [^1698]: There have formerly existed and there doubtless still exist slave owners who have possessed or who possess great wealth; there were, among the Roman patricians, families who possessed immense fortunes, and one would doubtless find, among our modern colonists, several men who are very rich. But, in saying that slavery is an invincible obstacle to the production, growth, and good distribution of wealth, I in no way mean to affirm that it is an obstacle to its extortion or its displacement. The Romans who possessed great fortunes owed them, in general, only to the pillage carried out in the course of war, or to the rapine they exercised during peacetime on subjugated peoples. The colonists who have wealth owe it to the monopoly that has been granted to them for the sale of their commodities, that is to say, to a tax established on peoples among whom domestic slavery is not admitted. [^1699]: There exist, among the modern peoples who have made some progress in civilization, a multitude of arts and trades of which the peoples of Italy and Greece had no idea. These peoples did not know the use of linen, and their clothing consisted only of a coarse wool that was worked by the hands of their women. Now, if one only calculates the number of people who are employed in the production, manufacture, and sale of cotton, linen, and silk, from the farmer who harvests these materials to the linen-draper, the milliner, or even to the laundress, one can form a slight idea of the difference that exists between the industry of the ancients and the industry of the moderns, especially if one does not forget the machines used to process these materials, and the arts and knowledge that these machines require. [^1700]: Columella, de Re rustica, lib. I. In explaining the effects of slavery on intelligence, I have shown those it produces on industry. Adam Hodgson has collected the opinions of a great number of ancient and modern writers on the influence that slavery exercises on agriculture. A letter to J.-B. Say, on the comparative expense of free and slave labour. [^1701]: Columella, de Re rustica, lib. 1, in proœmio. [^1702]: De Sismondi, New Principles of Political Economy, or Wealth in its Relation to Population. Volume I, bk. II, chap. 4, p. 17, 18 et seq., 2nd ed. [^1703]: See chapter VII of this book. [^1704]: Second report of the committee of the society for the mitigation et gradual abolition of slavery, etc., p. 32, 34 and 62. [^1705]: Relief for West-Indian distress, showing the inefficiency of protecting duties on East-India sugar, by James Cropper, p. 18. [^1706]: Second report of the committee of the society for the mitigation and gradual abolition of slavery, p. 31 and 157. [^1707]: The slave colonies of Great-Britain, or a picture of negro slavery, p. 48. — Relief for West-Indian distress, passim. [^1708]: Voyage in Louisiana, volume I, ch. V, p. 92. [^1709]: It is for the sake of economy that planters use the arms of enslaved men instead of the plow. “They calculate,” says Michaux, “that in the course of a year, a horse, for both food and upkeep, costs ten times more than a negro whose annual expense does not exceed fifteen to sixteen piastres.” Travels to the West of the Allegheny Mountains, ch. XXXII, p. 304 and 305.

Camels were introduced into Peru after the conquest of that country by the Spanish; but the conquerors stopped their propagation, claiming that the multiplication of beasts of burden would prevent them from hiring out the natives to travelers or merchants to serve in the interior of the country for the transport of provisions and merchandise. De Humboldt, Political Essay, volume IV, bk. V, ch. XII, p. 345. Voyage to the Equinoctial Regions, volume V, bk. V, ch. XVI, p. 223 and 224.Camels were introduced into Peru after the conquest of that country by the Spanish; but the conquerors stopped their propagation, claiming that the multiplication of beasts of burden would prevent them from hiring out the natives to travelers or merchants to serve in the interior of the country for the transport of provisions and merchandise. De Humboldt, Political Essay, volume IV, bk. V, ch. XII, p. 345. Voyage to the Equinoctial Regions, volume V, bk. V, ch. XVI, p. 223 and 224. [^1710]: Michaux, voyage à l’ouest des monts Alleghanys, ch. I, p. 9, and ch. XXXI, p. 294 and 295. — Robin, Voyage dans la Louisiane, volume II, ch. XXXVII, p. 114. [^1711]: James Cropper’s Relief for West-Indian distress, p. 20, 21 and 22. [^1712]: Raynal, Histoire philosoph., volume VI, bk. XI, p. 227 and 228. — Larochefoucault, Voyage aux États-Unis, second part, volume IV, page 65. [^1713]: Michaux, voyage à l’ouest des monts Alleghanys, ch. I and VIII, p. 10 and 84. [^1714]: Ibid., ch. XXII, p. 223 and 224. [^1715]: Larochefoucault, Voyage aux États-Unis, volume V, second part, page 95. [^1716]: Michaux, Voyage à l’ouest des monts Alleghanys, ch. I, p. 10. — Fearon’s Sketches, passim. [^1717]: Michaux, ch. II and XIV, p. 15, 133 and 134. — Robin, Voyage dans la Louisiane, volume II, ch. XXXVII, p. 114 and 115. — Fearon’s Sketches of America, p. 43, 44, 113, 128, 160, 161, 162 and 210. [^1718]: A. Hodgson’s Letter to M. J.-B. Say, on the comparative expense of free and slave labour. [^1719]: A report from the committee of the assembly of planters of Jamaica, presented to the English House of Commons on February 25, 1805, exposes the distress of the planters, most of whom are overwhelmed with debt, and almost all of whom have lost their credit. This report concludes in these terms: “From these facts, the House will be able to judge the alarming extent to which the distress of the sugar planters has grown, and with what rapidity it is increasing every day. The sugar plantations, recently abandoned and put up for sale by the court, amount to about a quarter of those existing in the colony.” East and West-India sugar, or a refutation of the claim of the West-India colonists, to a protecting duty on East-India sugar, p. 121, 122 and 128. — James Cropper’s Relief for west-indian distress. [^1720]: Voyage dans la partie méridionale de l’Afrique, volume II, ch. V, p. 192 and 251. [^1721]: Michaux, ch. XIV, p. 133 and 134. [^1722]: Michaux, ch. I and ch. VIII, p. 10 and 84. [^1723]: Michaux, chap. I, p. 9. — Larochefoucault. [^1724]: Larochefoucault, third part, vol. VI, p. 85. — Michaux, ch. XIV, p. 13. [^1725]: Essai politique sur la Nouvelle-Espagne, volume IV, bk. IV, ch. XI, p. 45 and 46. — In 1777, a free worker, negro or mulatto, was hired in Mexico for four piastres a month, and these workers were very rare. There were no slaves. (Thierry, Traité de la culture du nopal, volume I, p. 82.) I need not observe that gold and silver, in the places where they are produced and where the necessities of life are cultivated, necessarily have a little less value than in the places where they are imported. [^1726]: De Humboldt, Voyage to the Equinoctial Regions, volume V, bk. V, ch. XV, p. 252, 253, 254 and 255. — In Mexico, says M. de Humboldt elsewhere, the day's wage is reckoned at two reales de plata (26 sous) in the cold regions, and two and a half reales (32 sous) in the hot regions, where hands are lacking and the inhabitants are generally very lazy. This price of labor must seem quite modest, when one considers the metallic wealth of the country, and the quantity of silver that is constantly in circulation there. In the United States, where the whites have pushed the Indian population beyond the Ohio and the Mississippi, the day's wage is from 3 livres 10 sous to 4 francs: in France, it can be estimated at 30 to 40 sous, and in Bengal, according to Mr. Fitzing, at 6 sous. Thus, despite the enormous difference in freight, sugar from the East Indies is cheaper in Philadelphia than that from Jamaica. It follows from this data that, at present, the price of a day's wage in Mexico is to the price of a day's wage

(Humboldt, Nouv.-Esp., volume III, bk. IV, ch. IX, p. 103 and 104.) To complete the parallel, it must be added that the price of a free man's day's wage in Louisiana is double what it is in the northern United States, that is, as 10 : 46. [^1727]: Larochefoucault, third part, volume VI, p. 60, 61 and 79. [^1728]: Robin, volume I, ch. vi, p. 92, and volume II, ch. XXXVII, p. 114 and 115. [^1729]: Ibid., volume II, ch. XXXVI, p. 44. — It seems that a master who gets 20 or 30 piastres a month from the day's labor of a good slave must make considerable profits; but, to know these profits, there is a multitude of circumstances that would have to be taken into consideration; I will confine myself to indicating only one: “Here as elsewhere,” says M. de La Rochefoucault, speaking of Maryland, “when one examines closely the utility of negro slaves to the master's interests, compared to the use of any other kind of labor, one finds it to be illusory. One must feed and clothe the old, the children, pregnant women, and care for them in their illnesses. Nothing is more common than to see the owner of eighty slaves unable to put thirty of them to work in the fields. Ten workers hired for the year would do at least as much work as the thirty slaves.” Third part, volume VI, p. 85. [^1730]: Larochefoucault, second part, volume VI, p. 87 and 88. [^1731]: Storch, Cours d’Économie politique. — Most of the great men of Poland, at the time of the war that led to the partition of their country, were overwhelmed with debt. One of them, Prince Lubomirski, wanted to set an example of reform. He submitted to a management plan, then had it announced, to the sound of a drum, that no one was to give him credit, under penalty of losing what was advanced to him. Rulhière, volume II, bk. VII, p. 405. [^1732]: It is quite clear that I speak only of the wealth that the English possess in their capacity as planters. A man whose plantation produces nothing can otherwise possess very great wealth. — The Dutch colonists of Guiana, whose customs are so analogous to those that have been attributed to the satraps, were overwhelmed with debt long before falling under English domination.

“Such is,” says Raynal, “the state of the three colonies that the Dutch have successively formed in Guiana. It is deplorable, and will be for a long time, perhaps forever, unless the government finds in its wisdom, its generosity, or its courage, an expedient to relieve the cultivators of the crushing weight of the debts they have contracted.” Histoire philosoph. des deux Indes, volume VI, bk. XII, p. 414. — This means, in clearer terms, that the excessive labors to which the slaves are condemned cannot suffice for the voracity of the owners of men in the colonies, and that one must hasten to deliver to them the sustenance of the industrious and free men of the mother country. This is a strange morality for a philosophical history! [^1733]: Raynal, Hist. philosoph des deux Indes, volume VII, bk. XIV, p. 430 and 431. — In 1658, the number of slaves in Jamaica was only 1,400, while that of free men was 4,500; there were thus three free persons for one slave. In 1817, there were 346,150 slaves, and about 17,000 [free persons]; that is to say, about twenty slaves for one free person. [^1734]: Second report of the committee of the society for the mitigation and gradual abolition of slavery, p. 149, 150. — The statements presented to the English Parliament put the number of slaves in Jamaica, in 1817, at 346,150. — One of the most interesting phenomena to observe is the proportion in which the various classes of society multiply, especially if one were to determine at the same time the source from which each of them draws its revenues; this would perhaps be one of the surest means of foreseeing the fate of future generations, and of guaranteeing them from the calamities that may threaten them. [^1735]: Raynal, Hist. philosoph., volume VII, bk. XIV, p. 385. [^1736]: Second report of the society, etc., p. 139, 140. [^1737]: Second report of the society, etc., p. 139, 140. [^1738]: Raynal, Hist. philosoph., volume VII, bk. XIII, p. 95, 115 and 143. — The census of 1788 put the population of this island at 13,466 whites, 3,044 free people of color, and 85,471 slaves. [^1739]: Ibid., Histoire philosoph, des deux Indes. — Maltebrun, Précis de la Géographie universelle. — Alex. de Humboldt, Nouvelle-Espagne, volume II, bk. II, ch. VII, p. 5 and 6. — Robin, Voyage à la Louisiane, volume I, ch. XXII, p. 295 and 296. [^1740]: See the statistical tables inserted in the Précis de la géographie universelle, volume V, bk. CII, p. 419, 420 and 421. [^1741]: Al. de Humboldt, Nouvelle-Espagne, volume V, sup., p. 144. [^1742]: Raynal, Histoire philosoph., volume V, bk. IX, p. 9, 10 and 13. — It is almost impossible to evaluate the effects that slavery produces in Brazil on the increase or decrease of the population. This country is so vast, and the three principal races of men that exist there are so variously distributed over the territory, that a particular examination would have to be undertaken for each province, and documents would be lacking for several. At the time Raynal was writing, he estimated the population of Brazil at only 802,235 individuals (volume V, bk. IX, p. 201 and 202); whereas M. de Humboldt believes that, around the same period, it amounted to 1,900,000 souls. (Nouvelle-Espagne, supp., p. 142 and 143.) Raynal estimated the number of slaves in the province of Rio de Janeiro at 54,091, and the number of slaves in the entire colony at 347,858 (ibid., p. 202); whereas Cook, in 1768, put the number of slaves and people of color in the city of Rio de Janeiro alone at 666,000. (First Voyage, bk. I, ch. II, volume II, p. 299.) The secrecy in which the Portuguese government kept its colonial establishments is more than sufficient to explain these contradictions. [^1743]: If, in the republics of South America, one were to compare the growth experienced by the conqueror class to the growth experienced by the other classes of the population, one would probably arrive at results similar to those I have just presented. M. de Humboldt estimated, in 1808, the total population of the Spanish colonies at thirteen or fourteen million inhabitants, and, in this number, he counted only about three million individuals of European race. There must therefore have already been at that time ten or eleven million indigenous, black, or mixed-blood individuals. The Spanish experience in the Philippines a fate analogous to that experienced by the Mamluks in Egypt. “In the entire island of Luzon,” says La Pérouse, “one counts only twelve hundred Spanish creoles or Europeans. A rather singular remark is that there is no Spanish family that has been preserved there to the fourth generation, while the Indian population has increased since the conquest, because the earth there does not conceal, as in America, destructive metals whose mines have swallowed up the generations of several million men employed in exploiting them.” (La Pérouse, volume IV, p. 125, 128.) If, in the north of Europe, the lords were to compare the proportion in which they multiply to the proportion in which the slaves multiply, one would probably be very astonished at the results of the comparison. [^1744]: Raynal, Histoire philosoph., volume VII, bk. XIII, p. 194. [^1745]: Second report of the committee of the society for the mitigation and gradual abolition of slavery. Appendix, G. p. 138, 162. [^1746]: “The Virginian dynasty, as it has been called, I believe with reason, is a subject of complaint in all other parts of America. This State has furnished four of the five presidents, and a great number of holders of all the other offices of government.” Fearon, 6th report, p. 293.

When Louisiana was abandoned to the United States, the Anglo-Americans threw themselves with such avidity upon the public offices that were created there that they exclusively occupied them, although they knew neither the language nor the laws. Robin, volume II, ch. IV, p. 387.

The greed for public offices is not a vice particular to one era or one nation. It is an evil that can be the result of a great number of causes; here, I believe, are the principal ones:

1. The existence of slavery, or the prejudices born of such a state;
2. The monopoly, on the part of the government, of a greater or lesser number of private professions, transformed into public offices;
3. Great ease in obtaining offices, without expense and without capacity;
4. The security attached to public functions, or the inviolability of officials;
5. Salaries or honors out of proportion to the work to be performed;
6. The insecurity attached to the exercise of private functions, and the vexations to which the persons who exercise them are exposed.

When Louisiana was abandoned to the United States, the Anglo-Americans threw themselves with such avidity upon the public offices that were created there that they exclusively occupied them, although they knew neither the language nor the laws. Robin, volume II, ch. IV, p. 387.

The greed for public offices is not a vice particular to one era or one nation. It is an evil that can be the result of a great number of causes; here, I believe, are the principal ones:

1. The existence of slavery, or the prejudices born of such a state;
2. The monopoly, on the part of the government, of a greater or lesser number of private professions, transformed into public offices;
3. Great ease in obtaining offices, without expense and without capacity;
4. The security attached to public functions, or the inviolability of officials;
5. Salaries or honors out of proportion to the work to be performed;
6. The insecurity attached to the exercise of private functions, and the vexations to which the persons who exercise them are exposed. [^1747]: The Dutch established in the Moluccas employ a similar method to keep their subjects in servitude.

“They take great care,” says Labillardière, “not to teach them their mother tongue, so as not to be understood when they converse among themselves.” Voyage à la recherche de La Pérouse, ch. VII, volume I, page 355.

It is for analogous reasons that the priests of Egypt employed, among themselves, a language unintelligible to the population they had subjected. The druids, whose power was scarcely less absolute than that of the priests of Egypt, also employed, according to the testimony of Caesar, a language that the people could not understand.It is for analogous reasons that the priests of Egypt employed, among themselves, a language unintelligible to the population they had subjugated. The druids, whose power was scarcely less absolute than that of the priests of Egypt, also employed, according to the testimony of Caesar, a language that the people could not understand. [^1748]: Histoire de Pologne, volume III, book IX, p. 146. [^1749]: Dionysius of Halicarnassus, book V, ch. XXVI. [^1750]: Sismonde de Sismondi, Nouveaux principes d’économie politique, book III, ch. IV, p. 181. [^1751]: Raynal, Histoire philosoph. des deux Indes, volume X, book XIX, page 60. [^1752]: Rulhière, Histoire de l’anarchie de Pologne, volume III, book IX and X, p. 93 and 91, 214 and 215. [^1753]: Rulhière, volume III, book IX and X, p. 99, 100 and 244. [^1754]: Ibid., book IX, p. 66. [^1755]: Lévesque, Histoire de Russie, volume III, p. 286. [^1756]: Rulhière, volume III, book IX, p. 67. [^1757]: Histoire philosoph. des deux Indes, vol. VII, book XIII, pages 236 and 237. [^1758]: Stedman, Voyage à Surinam et dans l’intérieur de la Guyane, volume I, ch. III and IV, p 95, 104 and 105; volume II, ch. III, p. 94. — Raynal, volume VI, book XII, p. 413. [^1759]: The peoples of Europe who possess no colonies are those who pay the least for tropical commodities, for the reason that they grant a monopoly on sales to no island. In Switzerland, for example, the people pay a much lower price for sugar, coffee, and other commodities that come from the colonies or the Indies than do the peoples of France and England. In these last two countries, the public begins by paying a very heavy tax to protect the colonists and their possessions; and when it has paid this tax and protected them, it enjoys the advantage of paying more for their products than any other nation pays. [^1760]: East and West-India sugar, 1823, p. 60, 61, 62. [^1761]:

"The owners of negroes already complain that, since the black population has been increasing, they are less submissive, more restless than they were in the past. All these symptoms should warn them of the urgent need to do something to prepare an end to this state of slavery, which will sooner or later be of great danger to the masters; but one is complacent about this danger as about all others; and, in this case as in all others, one recognizes that foresight is nil among the American people." De Larochefoucault Liancourt, Voyage aux États-Unis, third part, volume VI, p. 86.

It has been thirty years since M. de Larochefoucault made these observations; and, since that time, the number of slaves has greatly increased. [^1762]: In the month of June 1824, there already existed in England 220 associations formed with the goal of supporting the one established in London for the abolition of slavery; since that time, their number has considerably increased. In 1823, 500 petitions were presented to parliament for the same object. In 1824, nearly 600 were presented. — Report of the committee of the society for the mitigation and gradual abolition of slavery, p. 37. [^1763]: Franklin, who can be considered the representative of the industrious population of America, did not directly reveal all that he thought of his man-owning compatriots; but, if one wishes to know his opinion of them, there is an easy way: it is enough to recall the customs of the animal to which he compared the customs of a nobleman, and to compare the customs he attributed to a nobleman to the customs of a planter. Two quantities equal to a third, say the mathematicians, are equal to each other: let one judge, according to this axiom, of the accord that can exist between the opinions of industrious Americans and of the Americans who live on the products of their slaves' labor. [^1764]: It is said that the grandees of Russia train a certain number of their slaves in the art of making music; but, as these slaves have very limited intelligence, each of them is reduced to producing only one sound, that is, to performing the function of an organ pipe. The development of the musical talent of these slaves is an emblem of the development of the industrial talents of all the slaves of the modern colonies. [^1765]: Book VI, ch. XXII. [^1766]: Life of Camillus, Amiot's translation. [^1767]: In the middle of the sixteenth century, the Russians, in their wars, still conducted themselves like the Romans of Caesar's time. In the war they sustained against Gustavus Vasa, the number of Swedes they made slaves—soldiers, peasants, women, or children—was so considerable that they sold them for a few small coins. It is remarked, says their historian, that the little girls sold for a little more than the males. Lévesque, Histoire de Russie, volume III, p. 53. [^1768]: J.-J. Rousseau claims that Christianity preaches only servitude and dependence; that its spirit is too favorable to tyranny for tyranny not always to profit from it, and that true Christians are made to be slaves. (Social Contract, book IV, ch. VIII.) To accept this opinion, one must suppose that the spirit of Christianity rejects any idea of duties to oneself and to others, or that the only duty it imposes is to have none, which is a contradiction; or else one must admit that it imposes the duty to give oneself over to vice and crime, when one cannot abstain from them without exposing oneself to punishment, which is also a contradiction; for crimes and vices sooner or later bring their punishment in their wake. We shall see, moreover, that the owners of slaves have judged the spirit of Christianity differently than Rousseau. [^1769]: The Rev. R. Bickell’s West-Indies as they are, or A real picture of slavery, part. II, p. 83 and 84. [^1770]: The Rev. R. Bickell’s West-Indies as they are, part. II, p. 84, 85 and 86. [^1771]: Second report of the committee of the society for the mitigation and gradual abolition of slavery, p. 141, 142 and 149. [^1772]: R. Bickell’s West-Indies as they are, part. II, p. 165, 166, 167, 168 and 173. — The English government having obliged the masters to grant their slaves Sunday as a day of rest, the masters have made Sunday a market day. They have given as a reason that in this time of general distress, several planters are extremely indebted, and that, on account of their debts, it is impossible for them to allow their slaves to go out except on Sunday. The slave colonies of Great-Britain, p. 48 and 49. [^1773]: This society counts among its members the most distinguished persons in England, for their talents, their social position, or their devotion to the cause of humanity. [^1774]: An authentic report of the debate of the house of commons. June the 23d, 1825, on Mr. Burton’s motion. — At all times when attempts have been made to instruct slaves or freedmen in the precepts of religion, the masters have offered the same resistance. [^1775]: An authentic report of the debate in the house of commons, June, the 23d. 1825, etc., p. 33 and 34. — It follows from the governor's proclamation itself that the masters' violence had no other cause than the fear of seeing the moral sentiments of the freedmen and slaves developed by the teaching of religious precepts.

"I pray you," said the governor to the authors of this violence, "reflect on the consequences of your conduct. If you take pleasure in tearing down the houses and churches of those who instruct the negroes (of the teachers of the negroes), who can say that the negroes will not follow your example, by demolishing your own houses?" Ibid., p. 27 and 28. [^1776]: De Larochefoucault-Liancourt, third part, volume VI, p. 181. [^1777]: Robin, Voyage dans la Louisiane, volume III, ch. LXVIII, p. 198 and 197. [^1778]: Raynal, who defended liberty with such ardent and sometimes blind zeal, reproaches Montesquieu for not having dared to include among the causes of the decline of the Roman empire the law of Constantine which, according to him, declared free all slaves who became Christians. Histoire philosoph., volume I, book I, p. 12 and 13. — The Roman emperors never granted freedom to all slaves who became Christians; if they had granted it to them, the invasions of the barbarians would have encountered more obstacles. [^1779]: Voyage dans la Louisiane, volume II, ch. XXXVIII, p. 123. [^1780]: De Larochefoucault, Voyage aux États-Unis, volume I, p. 282; volume III, p. 174; volume IV, p. 78; volume V, p. 69 and 79. Is not the mere fact that the Anglo-Americans repel from their temples any person of color evident proof that religion is for them only a means of government? [^1781]: Nouveau voyage dans la partie méridionale de l’Afrique, volume II, ch. V, p. 248 and 249. [^1782]: J. Stephen’s Slavery of the British West-India colonies, as it exist both in law and practice, ch. V, sect. III, IV and V. — R. Bickell’s West-Indies as they are, part. II. — The slave colonies of Great-Britain, or a Picture of negro slavery, drawn by the colonists themselves. — See the writings published by the society formed for the modification and gradual abolition of slavery. [^1783]: Dauxion-Lavaysse, volume II, ch. VIII, p. 252 et seq. — Depons, volume II, ch. VI, p. 153 et seq.; volume III, ch. IX, p. 34 et seq. — De Humboldt, Voyage aux régions équinoxiales, book III, ch. VIII, volume III, p. 224. [^1784]: One reads, in article 13 of the Federative Constitution of Guatemala: "He who engages in the slave trade cannot be a citizen." This provision is very wise and very just; a people that holds to its liberty must never permit the exercise of any political power by individuals who admit the existence of no duty, or who regulate the extent of their rights by the extent of their forces. [^1785]: "France pays Martinique and Guadeloupe 50 fr. per hundred pounds for the sugar it consumes, not including duties, and could obtain it in Havana for 35 fr., also not including duties." (J. B. Say, Traité d’économie politique, volume I, book I, chap. XIX, p. 365 and 366.) The difference in favor of the country that possesses fewer slaves relative to the free population would thus be, according to M. Say, nearly a third, if there were no other causes for the difference than slavery. I suppose, however, that it is only a quarter; but then again, the price of sugar from our colonies has been set a little too high, and that of Havana a little too low. Besides, as prices vary from one day to the next, there can be no question here of mathematical exactitude. [^1786]: East-India sugar, or an Inquiry respecting the means of improving the quality and reducing the cost of sugar raised by free labour in the East-Indies, p. 3, 4 and 5. London, 1824. — It is calculated that the average cost of the cultivation necessary for the production of one quintal of sugar, including the rent paid to the landowner, is 4 sch. 9 d. 1/2 or about 6 francs. (Ibid. p. 27.) Sugar cultivated by free workers could be delivered in Calcutta at the rate of 16 or 17 francs per quintal, and at the rate of 26 fr. 80 c. delivered in Europe. (Ibid., p. 13.) This would be a little more than 5 sous per pound. [^1787]: Traité d’économie politique, volume I, p. 365 and 366. [^1788]: Traité d’économie politique, vol. I, book I, ch. XIX, p. 365. [^1789]: It must be observed that the expenses required for the administration, preservation, and defense of three miserable islands must be nearly the same as those that France was obliged to make when it had numerous colonies. Naval defense, to be effective, must, in fact, be in proportion to the enemy's forces, and not in proportion to the object to be guarded. In France, to administer two or three islands, a ministry is needed that is as complete and as expensive as for administering ten. [^1790]: R. Bickell’s West-Indies as they are, p. 244 and 245. [^1791]: Raynal, Histoire philosoph., volume VII, book XII, p. 116, 117, 146. — This historian puts the value of exports from Martinique at 18,975,974 livres, and the value of exports from Guadeloupe at 12,751,404 livres. [^1792]: France gets almost all the sugar it consumes from Guadeloupe and Martinique, and consumption amounts to 50 million kilograms; but how is it possible that two islands whose wealth and population have hardly varied since their exports amounted to barely 32 million, now export, in sugar alone, a nearly equal value? Could it be true, as some people believe, that colonists introduce foreign sugars into their countries, and then ship them to us to obtain a premium of 37 fr. 50 per hundred kilograms? If this were to happen for sugar, it would probably also happen for all colonial commodities; and one can conceive what an enormous tribute the owners of men in the colonies would then levy on France. [^1793]: James Cropper’s Relief for west-indian distress, p. 26 and 27. London 1823. — East and West-India sugar, p. 4 and 5. [^1794]: The English quintal is 108 pounds; 50 kil. equals 111 English pounds. [^1795]: Second report of the committee of the society for the mitigation and gradual abolition of slavery, p. 166 and 167. [^1796]: I say that the owners of men are more disposed to incur debts than to accumulate capital; in support of the facts I have already cited, I will add here a few others that seem to me too remarkable not to be observed.

In a space of twenty years, from 1760 to 1780, the number of forced sales that took place for debts in Jamaica amounted to 80,000, and the amount of these debts was 22,500,000 pounds sterling (572,500,000 fr). In the course of the same space of time, nearly half of the landed properties changed hands as a result of these forced sales. East and West-India sugar, appendix D, p. 127. [^1797]: James Cropper’s Relief for west-indian distress, p. 12. [^1798]: Stedman, volume III, ch. XXIX, p. 187. — Le Vaillant, first Voyage, volume I, p. 77. [^1799]: See the reports of the society formed for the abolition of slavery, and the parliamentary debates on the same subject. [^1800]: Robin, Voyage à la Louisiane, volume III, ch. LXVII, p. 178 and 179. [^1801]: De Humboldt, Voyage aux régions équinoxiales, book III, ch. VIII, volume III, p. 225 and 226. — Depons, volume I, ch. II, p. 257, and volume II, ch. V, p. 65 and 66. — Robin, volume I, ch. XX, p. 283. [^1802]: De Humboldt, Voyage aux régions équinoxiales, book III, ch. VIII, volume III, p. 225 and 226.

In countries where slavery is admitted, men of the master race generally consider as their slaves all individuals they can subjugate, and as their property all goods they can usurp. Hence the wars, murders, and spoliations of which the colonists of the Cape of Good Hope have been guilty towards the Hottentots; hence also, the crimes, murders, and spoliations committed against the natives of America by the Anglo-Americans of the frontiers. The governments of Holland and the United States have done all they could to suppress these outrages, and they have never been able to succeed. This was because power does not extend beyond certain limits, and laws cease at the point where power ends.In countries where slavery is admitted, men of the master race generally consider as their slaves all individuals they can subjugate, and as their property all goods they can usurp. Hence the wars, murders, and spoliations of which the colonists of the Cape of Good Hope have been guilty towards the Hottentots; hence also, the crimes, murders, and spoliations committed against the natives of America by the Anglo-Americans of the frontiers. The governments of Holland and the United States have done all they could to suppress these outrages, and they have never been able to succeed. This was because power does not extend beyond certain limits, and laws cease at the point where power ends. [^1803]: See volume I, bk. II, ch. II. [^1804]: The same opposition of principles is sometimes found in governments: those whose principle is force or despotism claim that they are permitted to engage, with regard to men and their property, in all actions that they have not positively forbidden themselves; those, on the contrary, whose principle is morality and liberty, recognize that they can exercise, over men or their property, only those actions that special laws have positively permitted them. [^1805]: Savings banks, so useful to the families of the working classes, would be indispensable for slaves who were permitted to buy their freedom. They would even have to present such strong guarantees that they would be capable of overcoming the natural mistrust of slaves. [^1806]: T. Clarkson’s Thoughts on the necessity of improving the condition of the slaves, p. 15, 16, 17. [^1807]: Denon, volume I, p. 135, 136 et seq. [^1808]: Barrow, Voyage to China, volume II, ch. VIII, p. 220. [^1809]: Péron, volume I, bk. II, ch. VII, p. 144. — Freycinet, volume II, ch. X, p. 336. [^1810]:

“Setting aside the subdivisions,” says M. de Humboldt, speaking of the population of Mexico, “the result is four castes: the whites, included under the general denomination of Spaniards; the negroes; the Indians; and the men of mixed race, a mixture of Europeans, Africans, American Indians, and Malays; it is through the frequent communication that exists between Acapulco and the Philippine Islands that several individuals of Asiatic origin, whether Chinese or Malay, have settled in New Spain.” Political Essay on New Spain, volume I, bk. II, ch. VI, p. 367 and 368. [^1811]: France is the country in which racial pride is the least marked; and this is one of the causes that make individuals of this nation inspire less antipathy in foreigners than others do. “It is an astonishing thing and well worthy of remark,” says an English traveler, “that despite the considerable presents distributed each year to the Indians of Upper Canada by agents of the English nation, despite the respect that the latter never cease to have for their customs and their natural rights, an Indian seeking hospitality prefers, even today, the cottage of a poor French farmer to the house of a rich English farmer.” (Weld, Travels in Canada, volume II, ch. XXIX, p. 180 and 181.) The reason for the preference is quite simple: the French farmer does not know what it is to keep his distance, which the Englishman never forgets. [^1812]: Political Essay on New Spain, volume II, bk. II, ch. VII, p. 67. [^1813]: Azara, volume II, ch. XII and XIV, p. 203, 264 and 265. [^1814]: Travels in South America, volume II, ch. XIV, p. 265. [^1815]: Ibid., ch. XV, p. 276. — Dauxion-Lavaysse, volume II, ch. VII, p. 174 and 175. [^1816]: Dauxion-Lavaysse, volume II, ch. VI, p. 174 and 175. — Azara, volume II, ch. XIV, p. 266 and 267. [^1817]: De Humboldt, Political Essay on New Spain, volume I, bk. II, ch. V, p. 362, and volume II, bk. II, ch. VII, p. 38. [^1818]: Stedman, volume II, ch. XIII, p. 21. [^1819]: Dauxion-Lavaysse, volume II, ch. VII, p. 174 and 175. — La Pérouse observed that the union of Russians with Kamtchadales produced a race of men more active and more laborious than that of the fathers, and more beautiful than that of the mothers. Volume III, ch. XXII, p. 189 and 190. [^1820]: Robertson’s History of America, book II, note 35, p. 396. [^1821]: Bougainville, first part, ch. VI, volume I, p. 124, 125 and 126. [^1822]: Bougainville, first part, ch. VII, p. 120, 121 and 122. [^1823]: Azara, volume II, ch. XIII, p. 224, 225, 226 and 232. [^1824]: Voyage to the Equinoctial Regions, volume III, bk. III, ch. VI, p. 4, 5 and 6. [^1825]: Bougainville, first part, ch. VII, vol. I, p. 126 and 127. — La Pérouse, volume II, ch. XI, p. 301. [^1826]: Azara, volume II, ch. XII, p. 253 and 254. [^1827]: La Pérouse, volume II, ch. XI, p. 296. — Azara, volume II, ch. XIII, p. 232. — Raynal, volume IV, bk. VIII, p. 302 and 303. [^1828]: Azara, volume II, ch. XIII, p. 234 and 235. — Raynal, volume IV, bk. VIII, p. 315. — De Humboldt, Voyage to the Equinoctial Regions, bk. III, ch. VII, volume III, p. 149. — The regulations of the Jesuits served as a model for all missionaries. (La Pérouse, volume II, ch. XI, p. 308. — Azara, volume II, ch. XII, p. 117 and 218.) This is not surprising, since they were subject to a common authority. De Humboldt, Voyage to the Equinoctial Regions, volume III, bk. III, ch. VI, p. 52. [^1829]: Azara, volume II, ch. XII, p. 218. [^1830]: La Pérouse, volume II, ch. XI, p. 302. [^1831]: De Humboldt, Voyage to the Equinoctial Regions, volume III, bk. III, ch. VIII, p. 197. — Ulloa, Philosophical Discourses, volume II, Disc. XVIII, p. 44 and 45. — Vancouver, bk. IV, ch. IX, volume IV, p. 154. — La Pérouse, volume II, ch. XI, p. 299 and 301. — Azara, volume II, ch. XII and XIII, p. 218, 233, 234 and 250. [^1832]: La Pérouse, volume II, ch. XI, p. 296. — Bougainville, first part, ch. VII, volume I, p. 128 and 229. — Ulloa, Philosophical Discourses, Disc. XVIII, p. 44 and 45. [^1833]: La Pérouse, volume II, ch. XI, p. 298, 299 and 300. — Bougainville, first part, ch. VII, volume I, p. 128 and 129. [^1834]: Azara, volume II, ch. XII, p. 218 and 219. — La Pérouse, vol. II, ch. XI, p. 302. [^1835]: Azara, ch. XII and XIII, p. 218 and 252. [^1836]: De Humboldt, Voyage to the Equinoctial Regions, bk. II, ch. IX, volume III, p. 288, 289 and 290. — Azara. [^1837]: Azara, volume II, ch. XIII, p. 252. [^1838]: De Humboldt, Voyage to the Equinoctial Regions, bk. III, ch. IX, p. 290. [^1839]: La Pérouse, volume II, ch. XI, p. 304. — De Humboldt, Voyage to the Equinoctial Regions, bk. VII, ch. IX, volume VI, p. 285. [^1840]: La Pérouse, volume II, ch. XI, p. 294 and 295. [^1841]: Vancouver, bk. III, ch. I, p. 267, 276 and 277. — Azara, volume II, ch. X, p, 165. — The social state of these peoples has a great analogy with that of the Spartans: the black broth was not superior to the gruel, and the clothing and housing were little different. [^1842]: La Pérouse, volume II, ch. XI, p. 296, 297, 301 and 302. — Bougainville, first part, ch. VII, volume I, p. 126. — De Humboldt, Voyage to the Equinoctial Regions, bk. VI, ch. XVII, and bk. VII, ch. XIX, volume VI, p. 238 and 342. — Depons, volume I, ch. IV, p. 311, 312 and 342. — Azara, volume II, ch. XIII, p. 256. [^1843]: Depons, volume I, ch. IV, p. 331 and 332. [^1844]: Bougainville, first part, ch. VII, volume I, p. 126. — Raynal assures, on the faith of the missionaries, that the more vigorous the lashes of the whip, the more happiness the penitents experience. Philosophical History, vol. IV, bk. VIII, p. 302. [^1845]: Azara, volume II, ch. XII, p. 217, 218, 243, 244 and 245. — Depons, volume I, ch. IV, p. 323 and 324, and II, ch. VI, p. 136 and 137. — De Humboldt, Political Essay on New Spain, volume I, bk. II, ch. VI, p. 436 and 437. — Raynal, Hist. philosoph., volume IV, bk. VIII, p. 314, 345 and 346. [^1846]: Ulloa, Philosophical Discourses, disc. XVIII, p. 44 and 45. [^1847]: Azara, volume II, ch. XIII, p. 255 and 257. [^1848]: Bougainville, first part, ch. VII, volume I, p. 128 and 129. — Azara, volume II, ch. XIII, p. 256, 257 and 258. [^1849]: Raynal, Hist. philosoph., volume IV, bk. VIII, p. 304 and 305. — Azara, volume II, ch. XIII, p. 256. [^1850]: Ulloa, Philosophical Discourses, disc. XX, p. 85 and 86. — Azara, volume II, ch. XIII. [^1851]: Depons, volume I, ch. IV, p. 337 and 338. — Azara, volume II, ch. XIII, p. 255. — In some missions they respect private property. La Pérouse, volume II, ch. XI, p. 302. [^1852]: De Humboldt, Voyage to the Equinoctial Regions, volume III, bk. III, ch. IX, p. 372. [^1853]: La Pérouse, volume II, ch. XI, p. 308. — Azara, volume II, ch. XIII, p. 251. [^1854]: Bougainville, first part, ch. VII, volume I, p. 129, 131 and 135. — La Pérouse, volume II, ch. XI, p. 293 and 303. — Ulloa, Philosophical Discourses, disc. XX, p. 85 and 86. — De Humboldt, Voyages to the Equinoctial Regions, volume III, bk. III, ch. VI, p. 5, 6 et seq. — Dauxion-Lavaysse, volume I, ch. VI, p. 326 and 327. [^1855]: De Humboldt, Political Essay on New Spain, volume II, bk. II, ch. VI, p. 448. [^1856]: Volume II, ch. XI, p. 288 and 289. [^1857]: Voyage to the Equinoctial Regions, volume III, bk. III, ch. VI, p. 53 and 54. [^1858]: Dauxion-Lavaysse, volume I, ch. VI, p. 325. [^1859]: Bougainville, first part, ch. VII, volume I, p. 127 and 128. [^1860]: Voyage to the Equinoctial Regions, volume III, bk. III, ch. VI, p. 126 and 127. [^1861]: Azara, volume II, ch. XI, p. 251. [^1862]: Azara, volume II, ch. XII, p. 218, 219, 248 and 249. — De Humboldt, Political Essay on New Spain, volume I, bk. II, ch. VI, p. 436 and 437. — Depons, volume II, ch. VI, p. 136 et seq. [^1863]: De Humboldt, Voyage to the Equinoctial Regions, bk. VII, ch. XIX, volume VI, p. 320. [^1864]: Depons, volume II, ch. VI, p. 136 et seq. [^1865]: Bougainville, first part, ch. VII, volume I, p. 127. [^1866]: La Pérouse, volume II, ch. XI. — This traveler saw men in the stocks and women in irons for having deceived the vigilance of their arguses. [^1867]: Bougainville, first part, chap. VII, volume I, p. 136 and 137. [^1868]: De Humboldt, Voyage to the Equinoctial Regions, volume VI, bk. VII, ch. XIX, p. 335, 336 and 337. — Political Essay on New Spain, volume II, bk. II, ch. VII, p. 40 and 41. — This manner of conquering souls bears a perfect resemblance to the manner in which the colonists of the Cape of Good Hope make slaves among the Hottentots. [^1869]: De Bougainville, volume I, first part, ch. VII, p. 236 and 237. [^1870]: Hist. philosoph., volume IV, bk. VIII, p. 324 and 325. [^1871]: Volume I, first part, ch. VII, p. 124 and 125. — The missionaries, being unable to attribute the stationary state of their peoples either to their institutions or to themselves, have attributed it to the nature of the peoples; but it is impossible to admit such an explanation, when one sees that peoples of the same species, who are subject to a different regime, are active and laborious, and make progress like the Spaniards. Azara, volume II, ch. XII, p. 217. — De Humboldt, Political Essay on New Spain, volume II, bk. II, ch. VIII, p. 320 and 396. — Voyage to the Equinoctial Regions, vol. III, bk. III, ch. IX, p. 264 and 265. — Depons, volume II, ch. VI, p. 143 and 144. — Dampier, volume I, ch. V, p. 138. — Raynal, volume V, bk. IX, p. III. [^1872]: Robertson’s History of America, vol. IV, p. 199 and 267. [^1873]: De Larochefoucault-Liancourt, Travels in the United States, third part, volume VII, p. 13 and 18. [^1874]: William Hebert’s Visit to the colony of Harmony, in Indiana, in the United-States of America. London 1825.